Scielo RSS <![CDATA[População e Sociedade]]> http://scielo.pt/rss.php?pid=2184-526320200002&lang=en vol. num. 34 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://scielo.pt/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://scielo.pt <![CDATA[Human dignity: common ideal in equality and in difference - the case of Brazil]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumo Apesar da verticalidade das diferenças sociais, a modernidade estabeleceu a horizontalidade dos direitos humanos universais em torno da dignidade humana para todos. O gênero tem sido dos menos focalizados vetores desta diferenciação que, pelo patriarcado tradicional, estatui um processo de poder, ao qual estão submetidas as mulheres e, na base da pirâmide, as minorias sexuais. O Brasil, em face das mudanças sociais, caminha arduamente no sentido da conquista de direitos para estes grupos, alvos de estigmas e violências. Este trabalho analisa o contexto social, o cortejo de violências e a legislação emergente ao longo das últimas décadas. Trata das diversas formas de violência, inclusive o casamento infantil e a ativa homofobia. Assinala ainda uma possível reação política do machismo à visibilidade ascendente das mulheres e das minorias sexuais no quadro dos populismos no mundo.<hr/>Abstract Despite social differences verticality, modernity established the horizontality of universal human rights, founded on the respect of human dignity for all. Gender is one of the least focused vectors of such a differentiation. Traditional patriarch created a power process, submitting women and sexual minorities, the latter in the pyramid’s basis. Brazil, facing deep social change, paces step by step in the rights conquest for these groups, victims of stigma and violence. This work analyses the social context, the violence parade, as well as emerging legislation in the last decades on the basis of sociology and anthropology. It approaches diverse violence modalities, including child marriage and active homophobia. It points out likely men chauvinist reactions to women and sexual minorities ascendant visibility in the populist framework in the world. <![CDATA[Children's rights and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries: Legal perspectives]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200018&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Résumé La Communauté des Pays de Langue Portugaise, organisation internationale composée actuellement de neuf États membres, est un acteur relativement méconnu hors des cercles diplomatiques. Elle a pourtant vocation à jouer un rôle dans les questions sociales, comme celle des droits de l’enfant. La position de cette organisation sur cette question, et sur l’encadrement juridique de l’enfance dans ses États membres et au plan international, est abordée à travers une triple perspective : institutionnelle, constitutionnelle, et internationale. L’analyse des documents institutionnels internes de l’organisation est complétée par une étude comparée des différentes Constitutions de ses États membres, et de leurs dispositions se rapportant aux droits de l’enfant. L’examen des normes internationales parachève l’étude, en soulignant, État par État, le niveau effectif de ratifications. On arrive ainsi à une conclusion qui fait ressortir les fragilités, voire le peu d’enclin, de la Communauté des Pays de Langue Portugaise et de ses États membres à avancer vers une protection juridique forte et efficace des droits de l’enfant.<hr/>Abstract The Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries, an international organization currently composed of nine Member States, is a relatively unknown player outside diplomatic circles. However, it is supposed to have a role as regards social issues, such as children's rights. The position of this organization on this issue, and on the legal framework of child rights in its Member States and at international level, is approached from three perspectives: institutional, constitutional and international. The analysis of the organization’s internal institutional documents is completed by a comparative study of the different Constitutions of its Member States and of their provisions on children's rights. The study of international standards completes the research, highlighting, State by State, the actual level of ratifications. This leads to a conclusion that underlines the fragility, if not the lack of will, of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries and of its Member States to move towards a strong and effective legal protection of the rights of the child. <![CDATA[Human rights and the situation of children and education in Guinea Bissau: Pathways to “Universalism of Arrival”]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200037&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumo Este artigo apresenta um breve diagnóstico da situação da criança e da educação no contexto da Guiné-Bissau. Destacam-se fatores estruturais quer de base estatal, quer socioculturais e dois estudos de caso são especificados: o das crianças-irân e o das crianças talibé. Sendo tal situação atentatória em termos de direitos humanos, discute-se a relação entre estes direitos e a realidade vivida. Para além da dicotomia entre universalismo e relativismo cultural propõe-se, na senda de outros autores as possibilidades de um “universalismo de chegada” pelo incrementalismo, pelo confronto dos etnocentrismos e por uma ampla e autêntica participação. Propõe-se, ainda, a necessidade de ter em conta novos quadro de vida em regiões internacionais que possibilitem esse poliálogo, implicando uma atenção particular à sobreposição de “ecumenes” seu mapeamento e relação com a diplomacia.<hr/>Abstract This article presents a brief diagnosis of the situation of children and education in the context of Guinea-Bissau. Structural factors stand out, both state-based and socio-cultural, and two case studies are specified: that of irân-children and that of talibé children. Since this situation is detrimental in terms of human rights, the relationship between these rights and the reality experienced is discussed. In addition to the dichotomy between universalism and cultural relativism, it is proposed, in the wake of other authors, the possibilities of an “arrival universalism” through incrementalism, the confrontation of ethnocentrisms and a wide and authentic participation. It is also proposed the need to take into account new frameworks of life in international regions that allow this polygraph, implying a particular attention to the overlap of “ecumenes” its mapping and relationship with diplomacy. <![CDATA[The CPLP and human dignity, in Human Rights time]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200053&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumo A preocupação pelos direitos humanos ganha maior força na Comunidade Internacional a partir do fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, com a criação da Organização das Nações Unidas e a aprovação da Declaração Universal dos Direitos do Homem, em 10 de dezembro de 1948. A promoção da dignidade humana passou a fazer parte do vocabulário das Organizações Internacionais, entretanto criadas, entre as quais, a CPLP - Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa. Vários têm sido os atropelos aos direitos humanos, cometidos quer por líderes dos países, quer pelo cidadão comum. A CPLP, além da promoção e difusão da língua portuguesa, tem também a missão de incentivar os seus membros a respeitarem os direitos humanos, em ordem à valorização da dignidade humana. O século XXI deve ser o século da luta contra o “descarte” humano e reconhecimento que todos somos importantes, porque somos humanos, independentemente das diferenças.<hr/>Abstract Concern for human rights gained greater strength in the International Community since the end of World War II, with the creation of the United Nations and the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on December 10, 1948. The promotion of human dignity became part of the vocabulary of the International Organizations, which were created, including the CPLP - Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries. There have been many human rights violations committed by both country leaders and ordinary citizens. The CPLP, in addition to the promotion and dissemination of the Portuguese language, also has the mission of encouraging its members to respect human rights, in order to value human dignity. The 21st century must be the century of the struggle against human "discarding" and recognition that we are all important because we are human, regardless of differences. <![CDATA[The CPLP, Portugal and the Equatorial Guinea: a crossroad in the Human Rights era]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200062&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumo: A Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) partilha entre os seus membros a promoção da democracia e da boa governação, assim como os valores dos direitos humanos universais. Esta missão tem sido questionada após a adesão da Guiné Equatorial pelo seu histórico de regime ditatorial e violação persistente dos mais básicos direitos humanos da sua população. Por outro lado, um dos seus objetivos dirige-se ao fomento da língua portuguesa comum, fator que não se verifica na relação de partilha linguística e cultural entre as duas partes. Mais do que interesses políticos mútuos, são os interesses económicos a determinante desta participação na CPLP. O papel de Portugal mostra-se, neste contexto, mobilizador de uma relação política multilateral de que dependerá o futuro do espaço da CPLP, alargada à Guiné-Equatorial, nos seus diferentes desafios e novas estratégias de garantia dos direitos humanos.<hr/>Abstract The Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) shares the promotion of democracy and good governance as well as the protection of human rights values among its member states. This mission has been questioned after the membership of Equatorial Guinea, due to its history of dictatorship and persistent violation of the population’s most basic human rights. At the same time, one of the founding objectives is to promote the common Portuguese language, a factor that is absent in the linguistic and cultural relations between the two parties. Rather than mutual political interests, economic ones seem to be the determinant factor of this participation in the CPLP. In this context, the role of Portugal is shown to be that of a mobilizing agent for a multilateral political relation on which the future of the CPLP, with the extension of its area to Equatorial Guinea, will depend, in all its various challenges and new strategies to guarantee human rights. <![CDATA[Black Brazilians before and after the creation of the CPLP: continuity of their struggle against the legacy of slavery]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200071&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumo Resistindo à escravidão desde o século XVI, através da fuga das plantações e formação de comunidades de foragidos (quilombos) e das rebeliões, os negros brasileiros não foram emancipados pela abolição da escravatura em 1888, que apenas isentou os antigos proprietários da obrigação de apoiar a integração dos libertos no mercado de trabalho capitalista. Abandonados à sua sorte e encurralados na autenticidade da sua cor, continuam a lutar contra o racismo, assumindo a sua identidade negra face aos brancos, para obrigar quem os excluiu da cidadania a reconhecê-los como seres humanos. Apesar dos valores invocados pelos seus fundadores (Brasil incluído) - Paz, Democracia, Direitos Humanos -, a criação da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) em 1996 nada contribuiu para a redenção dos negros brasileiros, como demonstraremos neste trabalho.<hr/>Abstract Resisting slavery since the 16th century, through the flight from plantations and the formation of outlaw communities (quilombos) and rebellions, Brazilian blacks were not emancipated by the abolition of slavery in 1888, which only exempted former owners from the obligation to support integration of freedmen into the capitalist labor market. Abandoned to their fate and trapped in the authenticity of their color, they continue to fight against racism, assuming their black identity vis-à-vis whites, to compel those who excluded them from citizenship to recognize them as human beings. Despite the values invoked by its founders (Brazil included) - Peace, Democracy, Human Rights -, the creation of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) in 1996 did not contribute to the redemption of black Brazilians, as we will demonstrate in this work. <![CDATA[The migratory experience of Cape Verdeans to the plantations of São Tomé and Príncipe: field research]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200087&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumo Dentre vários destinos das pessoas cabo-verdianas, a experiência migratória em São Tomé e Príncipe foi narrada como o retrato da “pior migração” cabo-verdiana, por reverberar a experimentação da “escravidão” e reforçar uma negritude renegada por estes. Com as narrativas dos que vivenciaram não só a fome, como os efeitos dela, o acontecimento e a experiência da migração cabo-verdiana para as roças de São Tomé e Príncipe, este artigo discorre sobre os múltiplos lugares de enunciação desta experiência e acontecimento, sobre o quotidiano de fome, bem como, da “decisão ou não” de alistar-se para as roças santomenses. Argumenta-se que as discursividades e as práticas coloniais sobre as fomes propiciaram a criação dos modos de existência e de quotidianos de fomes, em que, como mote para a migração cabo-verdiana para as roças de cacau e café em São Tomé e Príncipe, a migração contratada constituiria “a única alternativa possível” às fomes e à eminência das mortandades.<hr/>Abstract Among the various destinations of Cape Verdean people, the migratory experience in São Tomé and Príncipe was narrated as the portrait of Cape Verde's “worst migration”, as it reverberated the experimentation of “slavery” and reinforced a renegade blackness. With the narratives of those who experienced not only hunger, but the effects of it, the event and the experience of Cape Verdean migration to the gardens of São Tomé and Príncipe, this article discuss the multiple places of utterance of this experience and event, about everyday of hunger, as well as the “decision or not” to join the São Tomé plantations. It is argued that the discourse and practices of the colonial authorities on famines led to the creation of modes of existence and daily famines, in which, as a motto for Cape Verdean migration to the cocoa and coffee fields in São Tomé and Príncipe, contracted migration would constitute “the only possible alternative” to famines and the imminence of death tolls. <![CDATA[The Community of Portuguese Language Countries facing the Human Rights of Persons with Disabilities: a comparative analysis between Brazil and Portugal]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200107&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumo O artigo examina a Convenção sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência, sendo este o primeiro instrumento de direitos humanos do milênio, e o principal tratado internacional que versa sobre a matéria, destacando o compromisso da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa, especificamente Brasil e Portugal. O Brasil conta com um vasto sistema de proteção à pessoa com deficiência, composto por normas constitucionais e infraconstitucionais, bem como por normas provenientes de tratados internacionais incorporados ao ordenamento jurídico, e, em conjunto com Portugal, assume compromisso com aqueles que são os princípios e os objetivos plasmados na referida Convenção sendo esta o tratado sobre direitos civis e humanos mais ratificado dos Estados membros da Organização das Nações Unidas. Este compromisso alargado, e a pressão por parte do Brasil e de Portugal, demonstram que os países têm como objetivo de fazer da inclusão dos cidadãos com algum tipo de deficiência uma prioridade. O desafio é efetivar esses direitos, a fim de combater a discriminação e conferir plena cidadania a essas pessoas.<hr/> Abstract The article looks at the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, being the first human rights instrument of the millennium, the main international treaty dealing with this topics, and highlights the commitment of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries, specifically Brazil and Portugal. Brazil has a vast system of protection for persons with disabilities, consisting of constitutional and infraconstitutional rules, as well as rules from international treaties incorporated into the legal system, and, together with Portugal, is committed to fulfil the principles and the objectives set out in the referred Convention, which is the most ratified civil and human rights treaty of the United Nations Member States. This wide compromise, and the pressure of Brazil and Portugal within the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries, show that countries share the objective of making the inclusion of citizens with some type of disability a priority. The challenge is to put these rights into effect, in order to combat discrimination and to give full citizenship to these persons. <![CDATA[Securitization of Migration in Europe - The Case of Portugal]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200121&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract The article analyzes the phenomenon of securitization of migration in Europe and its contribution to the intra-state security dilemmas as the causes of civil wars. The case-study of the article is Portugal, which presents a unique target of migration. The article reviews the patterns of population movements to and from Portugal as being pre-defined by its geographic location of being on the outskirts of the Western Europe and its Age of Exploration in Medieval Europe. In doing so, it also explains its unpresented responses to the 2015 European migration crisis and why the current level of securitization migration is the lowest than elsewhere in the EU, thus, significantly contributing to lowering the threshold for the inception of domestic security dilemma. <![CDATA[Pandemics, inseparable companions of human life]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200139&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen Uno de los muchos temas historiográficos aún pendientes es el de profundizar en el conocimiento de las pandemias. Factor decisivo en la historia de la evolución humana desde tiempos prehistóricos hasta el presente por su pertinaz presencia y sus múltiples repercusiones. La primera noticia sobre pandemias parte de referencias la bíblicas a las “plagas divinas”. Terribles fueron las pestes que asolaron a muchas ciudades griegas y no menos al imperio romano. La epidemia por excelencia es la Peste Negra o Bubónica de la Edad Media. De la Moderna, hay que destacar a la gripe y sobre todo a la Viruela como aliadas de los españoles en la conquista de Iberoamérica. Del XIX, sobresale el Cólera morbo por su persistencia y sus múltiples consecuencias. Del XX, por su letalidad y efectos fulminantes, la mal denominada Gripe española (1918-1919) y, de la segunda mitad, el VIH/HIV- Sida, presente aun en la actualidad. ¿Qué decir de la nueva centuria (XXI) con la irrupción del Covid-19? El recordarnos que las pandemias no son algo exclusivamente del pasado, sino que forman parte intrínseca de la evolución humana.<hr/>Abstract Historians have not studied in depth the many plagues that have affected human kind since ancient times. The consequences of those pandemics were of hugh importance. The first written records are in the Bible, where plagues are defined as "divine plagues". Greek cities or the Roman Empire were often affected by plagues of all sorts. In the Middle Ages it was the Black Death that became most terrifying. In modern times flu and smallpox were the best allies of the Spaniards in their conquest of America. Later, in the 19th century "morbid chollerae" had long and terrible consequences for the population. In the 20th century the so-called "Spanish Flu" followed WW1. In the second half, HIV/AIDS spread and is still with us. What to add about the quick spread of the Covid? Just to remember that plagues and pandemics were not only a thing of past times. <![CDATA[International Negotiation theory and practice: a constructivist socio-cultural vision]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632020000200157&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumo Este artigo apresenta uma visão panorâmica das principais abordagens teóricas que deram origem ao campo de estudos da Negociação Internacional e desenvolve uma crítica sociológica e construtivista aos seus fundamentos racionalistas. O artigo tem dois objetivos. Primeiro, fornecer uma visão introdutória à teoria da Negociação Internacional. Segundo, demonstrar a necessidade de complementar a visão racionalista dominante do homo economicus na teorização da Negociação Internacional com uma visão mais sociológica, sublinhando os contextos culturais e sociais da negociação e a sua lógica identitária. O artigo argumenta que a Negociação Internacional atingiu importantes contributos científicos abstratos, mas é necessário socializar os modelos e as teorias da negociação, assumindo que, acima de tudo, a negociação é um processo social, prático e altamente contextual.<hr/>Abstract This article presents an overview of the main theoretical approaches that gave rise to International Negotiation studies and develops a sociological and constructivist critique of its rationalist foundations. The article has two objectives. First, to provide an introductory view of the theory of International Negotiation. Second, to demonstrate the need to complement the dominant rationalist view of homo economicus in theorizing International Negotiation with a more sociological view, emphasizing the cultural and social contexts of negotiation and its identity logic. The article argues that International Negotiation has achieved significant abstract scientific contributions, but it is necessary to socialize the models and theories of negotiation, assuming that, above all, negotiation is a social, practical, and highly contextual process.