Resumo A elevada abstenção nas eleições para o Parlamento Europeu (PE) levanta duas interrogações: (i) o PE é uma instituição frágil? (ii) A atribuição de competências pelos Tratados europeus contribui para essa fragilidade? Interessa apurar se, em termos comparativos, o PE está aquém das competências tradicionalmente atribuídas aos parlamentos nacionais para encontrar uma possível explicação para as eleições europeias serem eleições de “segunda ordem”. Muito embora possam ser levantadas reservas à utilidade do método comparativo (a União Europeia não é um Estado), da comparação com os parlamentos nacionais conclui-se que o PE partilha as competências convencionadas nos regimes demoliberais (legislativa, orçamental, controlo político) e ocupa uma posição institucional semelhante (representatividade, legitimidade democrática e âncora de legitimação do governo).

Abstract Low turnout in the European Parliament (EP) elections raises two questions: (i) is the EP a fragile institution? (ii) Do competences assigned to the EP reinforce that perception? National parliaments are the benchmark to examine whether the position and the powers of the EP fall behind national parliaments’ standards, adding to the understanding that European elections have a “second-order” nature. Despite some reservations to the comparative method are pointed out based on the non state-centric nature of the European Union, the EP ranks well in comparison with national parliaments: both the competences (legislative, budgetary and political control) and the institutional position (focus of representativeness, democratic legitimacy and source of the government) show how similar the EP is to national parliaments.

Abstract This paper addresses the issue of ‘second order’ elections as applied to the electoral results of the 2019 and 2024 European Parliament elections in the Iberian states. Specifically, it aims to analyse whether these elections can be classified within this category. To achieve this objective and answer the research question, we have analysed through descriptive statistics the information related to three study variables extracted from the conceptual model adopted: level of electoral participation; strategic or affective orientation and motivation of the vote; level of support for the ruling party. The results show contrasting trends in relation to the expected values. In conclusion, we must point out the impossibility of effectively framing the elections analysed in the second-order category. We can affirm that the analytical model traditionally used presents important limitations in contexts of change and recomposition in party systems.

Resumo O artigo aborda o novo contexto geopolítico da Europa, particularmente em função do conflito Rússia vs. Ucrânia, e o seu impacto nos programas e resultados eleitorais das eleições ao Parlamento Europeu de 2024. Toma como objeto de estudo empírico o posicionamento dos partidos políticos europeus e grupos parlamentares conexos, a partir da análise dos seus manifestos eleitorais de 2024. Na conclusão, faz-se a súmula das posições, salientando-se, nomeadamente, a emergência da Rússia como ameaça; o apoio quase geral à Ucrânia, ainda que modelado por diferentes tomadas de posição; e uma linha de divisão substancial entre partidos que apoiam reforço da integração no campo da segurança e defesa e partidos soberanistas, cujo peso cresceu no Parlamento Europeu.

Abstract The article addresses the new geopolitical context in Europe, particularly in light of the Russia vs. Ukraine conflict, and its impact on the electoral programs and the results of the 2024 European Parliament elections. It takes as an object of empirical study the positioning of European political parties and related parliamentary groups, based on the analysis of their 2024 electoral manifestos. In the conclusion, the positions are summarised, highlighting in particular the emergence of Russia as a threat; the almost generalised support for Ukraine, even if shaped by differentiated approaches; and a substantial dividing line between parties that support the strengthening of integration in the field of security and defence and sovereignist parties, the representation of which has grown in the European Parliament.

Resumo O longo percurso da construção europeia tem sido acompanhado por fatores que tanto podem contribuir para a sua mobilização como para a sua desagregação. A integração económica demonstrou a capacidade europeia na criação de um relevante bloco regional no contexto do comércio mundial. Por outro lado, e em simultâneo, assistimos entre 2004 e 2013, a sucessivos processos de adesão de novos Estados membros - a que se acrescentam as negociações em curso com os Balcãs -, que muito têm contribuído para o reforço tanto económico como político da União Europeia (UE). A situação decorrente do conflito entre a Rússia e a Ucrânia tem colocado novos desafios à segurança europeia o que, estrategicamente, têm impulsionado a aproximação de novos candidatos, nomeadamente a própria Ucrânia, seguindo-se a Geórgia e a Moldávia. O presente artigo pretende analisar como as prioridades em matéria de segurança regional europeia despoletaram a emergência na abertura a novos processos de adesão a leste, implicando o estabelecimento de um quadro geopolítico e securitário algo complexo e de difícil articulação comunitária, com impacto na relação entre os próprios Estados assim como na relação entre a UE e a sua vizinhança.

Abstract The long journey of European integration has been accompanied by factors that can either contribute to its mobilization or its disintegration. Economic integration has demonstrated Europe's ability to create a significant regional bloc in the context of world trade. At the same time, between 2004 and 2013, we witnessed successive accession processes for new member states - to which must be added the ongoing negotiations with the Balkans - which have greatly contributed to the economic and political strengthening of the European Union (EU). The situation arising from the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has posed new challenges to European security which, strategically, have led to the approach of new candidates, namely Ukraine itself, followed by Georgia and Moldova. This article aims to analyze how European regional security priorities have triggered the emergence of new accession processes to the east, implying the establishment of a geopolitical and security framework that is somewhat complex and difficult for the EU to articulate, with an impact on the relationship between the states themselves as well as on the relationship between the EU and its neighborhood.

Abstract The power structures and norms of the Liberal International Order (LIO) are changing due to the rise of powers with reformist and revisionist agendas. The United States of America (USA) and the European Union (EU) are the two cornerstones of the current International Order and thus bear the main responsibility for its preservation. Acknowledging that one of the main factors driving the mutation of the LIO is China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), we argue that the EU, owing to its Global Gateway Initiative, is the only entity capable of challenging China’s revisionist agenda. Therefore, through this paper, we seek to analyse the contribution of the Global Gateway to the conservation of liberal institutions and norms in global governance. In doing so, we will use the lens of Role Theory in an attempt to uncover the international role of the EU and interprets its global performance.

Abstract In the last few decades, the European Union (EU) has developed a comprehensive approach to natural disaster management, with a particular focus on civil protection laws and international cooperation. The EU acknowledges the importance of proactive measures to minimize the impact of potential crises, namely in the context of climate change, in response of the increasing complexity and frequency of climate-induced disasters. This study analyses and discusses EU humanitarian legislation that aims to promote disaster resilience in member states. It starts with an overview of the EU's legal framework, continuing with an analysis of the different types of secondary legislation in the Union, distinguishing their purposes and respective attributes, and then delves into the already established bases for preventing and mitigating the impacts of natural disasters and the frequency of such risks. Finally, a critical reflection is made on the strengths and limitations of the legal basis established by the EU.

Abstract The evolving political and social space constituting the EU has increasingly impacted member states’ domestic policies and polities, while also regulating the daily lives of individuals. This has been achieved, notably, by bringing non-governmental actors into the policy-making process. The principle that various actors are involved in the implementation of EU policy is crucial for the multi-level governance system to function effectively. The main purpose of this article is to shed light on the complex interrelations within border territories and how Europeanisation processes are shaped by specific circumstances and regions. Focusing on a case study - the WaterEurocity - an initial assessment suggests that cooperation among local stakeholders can lead to innovative approaches for developing social, cultural, and economic frameworks. Such collaborations have the potential to build stronger, more unified communities and pave the way for novel methods of experiencing and promoting European integration.

Résumé Le contexte international évolue rapidement, en particulier en Europe et dans les Amériques. Les facteurs politiques, économiques et sociaux des dernières décennies ont tous changé, et ce changement devrait être durable. Cependant, le changement est aussi l'occasion de revisiter et de mieux comprendre les éléments qui l'ont engendré. Dans ce contexte, cette contribution aborde les relations historiques, politiques et sociologiques entre l'Amérique latine et l'Europe, qui partagent une familiarité dans des domaines clés, de la famille linguistique à la famille juridique. La recomposition en cours menace-t-elle cette parenté ? En fait, la réponse se trouve dans les racines de la relation inégale entre les deux régions du monde, dans une parenté qui est née plus d’une union forcée que d’un mariage. Comment dépasser ce passé ? Quelles sont les possibilités de reconstruire une forme de coopération, un partenariat qui aille au-delà d'une union de fait aux aspects imparfaits, comme les politiques migratoires plutôt improvisées ou les accords économiques contradictoires entre ces deux régions mondiales ? Comment faire en sorte qu'à l'avenir, l'Europe et l'Amérique latine puissent compter l'une sur l'autre pour maintenir la paix comme valeur commune ? Toutes les questions posées aujourd'hui dépendent d'un regard sur le passé : pour les uns comme pour les autres, il s'agit d'un regard dans le miroir.

Abstract The international context is changing rapidly, particularly in Europe and the Americas. The political, economic and social factors of recent decades have all changed, and this change is likely to be long-lasting. However, change is also an opportunity to revisit and better understand the elements that brought it about. In this context, this contribution looks at the historical, political and sociological relationship between Latin America and Europe, which share a familiarity in key areas, from the linguistic family to the legal family. Does the current recomposition threaten this kinship? In fact, the answer lies in the roots of the unequal relationship between the two regions of the world, in a kinship that was born more of a forced union than a marriage. How can we move beyond this past? What are the possibilities for rebuilding a form of cooperation, a partnership that goes beyond a de facto union with imperfect aspects, such as the rather improvised migration policies or the contradictory economic agreements between these two world regions? How can we ensure that in the future, Europe and Latin America can count on each other to maintain peace as a shared value? All the questions posed today depend on a look at the past: for both sides, it's a question of looking in the mirror.

th (A Game of Peninsular Mirrors)]]>

Síntesis Para poder comprender las repercusiones que tiene en los medios de comunicación españoles a revoluçao dos cravos (25 de abril de 1974) es preciso tener en cuenta en este “juego de espejos” las miradas deformadas por la historia y la especial situación política de España en plena transición hacia la democracia. Deformaciones crónicas que arrancan nada menos que desde época medieval. Por parte portuguesa, la herencia colonial, que deja tras sí Salazar, es la casusa directa del derrumbe del insostenible imperio colonial, que abre la puerta a la democracia. Mientras, en el caso de España, precisamente por esas fechas, Franco se halla en estado preagónico. Además, el régimen español tiene que hacer frente a otro importante reto también de tintes coloniales como es la denominada Marcha Verde; zarpazo protagonizado por Marruecos sobre el Sahara español. Si a las “deformaciones históricas” sumamos la especial situación por las que atraviesa en estos delicados momentos el régimen franquista podemos entender la maniquea (cóncava/convexa) mirada española con respecto a lo que está pasando en la nación hermana entre el temor del establishment y la esperanza republicana de un cambio de régimen tras la inminente desaparición de Franco (20 noviembre 1975). El análisis de fuentes se centra en tres periódicos vallisoletanos, que reproducen perfectamente las tres miradas principales del conjunto de la prensa española.

Summary To understand the impact of the Carnation Revolution (April 25th, 1974) on Spanish media, it is essential to consider, in this "game of mirrors," the distorted perspectives shaped by history and Spain's unique political situation during its transition to democracy. These chronic distortions date back to the medieval period. On the Portuguese side, the colonial legacy left behind by Salazar is the direct cause of the collapse of the unsustainable colonial empire, opening the door to democracy. Meanwhile, in Spain, Franco is in a pre-agonal state around the same time. Furthermore, the Spanish regime faces another significant challenge, also with colonial overtones: the Green March, Morocco's takeover of the Spanish Sahara. Adding to the "historical distortions," the specific circumstances faced by the Franco regime during these delicate moments explain the manipulated (concave/convex) Spanish perspective on the events unfolding in the neighboring nation. This perspective oscillates between the establishment's fear and the republican hope for regime change after Franco's imminent demise (November 20th, 1975). The analysis of sources focuses on three newspapers from Valladolid, which perfectly reflect the three main perspectives within the Spanish press.

Resumo No caso de Cabo Verde, o turismo é o motor do desenvolvimento sustentável, sendo responsável por um crescimento exponencial da economia cabo-verdiana, por 25% de toda a riqueza nacional e 9% dos empregos. Ao mesmo tempo, a segurança tornou-se num dos critérios fundamentais na escolha dos destinos turísticos. Cabo Verde, um pequeno Estado insular, tem vários elementos de vulnerabilidade aos riscos, pela sua posição geográfica no Atlântico médio, a sua localização na encruzilhada de três continentes, África, Europa e América e a sua descontinuidade territorial enquanto arquipélago. No que concerne a segurança no turismo, a parceria entre os atores públicos e privados propiciou a materialização do programa “turismo seguro” nas ilhas com maior vocação turística. A questão que permanece é a de saber se a articulação entre desenvolvimento do turismo e manutenção da segurança são compatíveis com uma estratégia de desenvolvimento sustentável. Este estudo constitui uma abordagem qualitativa ao problema da equação segurança, turismo e desenvolvimento sustentável, sintetizando a literatura existente e apontando oportunidades e ameaças que esta combinação permite para o país.

Abstract Tourism is the driving force behind sustainable development, with exponential growth in the Cape Verdean economy, accounting for 25 per cent of all national wealth and 9 per cent of jobs. At the same time, security has become one of the criteria for choosing tourist destinations. Cape Verde, a small island state, has several elements of vulnerability to security risks, due to its geographical position in the mid-Atlantic, its location at the crossroads of three continents, Africa, Europe and America, and its territorial discontinuity as an archipelago. As far as tourism security is concerned, the partnership between public and private actors has led to the implementation of the ‘safe tourism’ program on the islands with the greatest tourism vocation. The question remains as to whether these the articulation between tourism development and maintaining security are compatible with a sustainable development strategy. This study is a qualitative approach to the problem of the equation of security, tourism and sustainable development, synthesizing the existing literature and pointing at opportunities and threats that this combination allows for the country.

Boock of the Brothers of Our Lady of the Rosary (1712-1880)]]>

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar a composição da sociedade de Montemor-o-Novo a partir do Livro de assento de entradas de irmãos da Irmandade do Rosário da mesma vila, o qual compreende o período entre 1712 e 1880. A mesma associação religiosa estava instituída no mosteiro dominicano dessa povoação alentejana e tinha sido, provavelmente, fundada por negros livres no século XVI, época de que se conservam as mais antigas referências. O principal interesse deste documento é permitir saber, de modo aproximado, a importância dos ofícios e atividades económicas que se desenvolveram na povoação ao longo desse período, atendendo a que não existe nenhuma fonte de tipo estatístico, minimamente completa, relativa à vila no Antigo Regime. A natureza aberta das confrarias do Rosário, que admitiam todos os tipos de pessoas, incluindo escravos, permite conhecer de forma abrangente a diversidade das profissões dos moradores de Montemor-o-Novo.

Abstract The aim of this article is to present the composition of Montemor-o-Novo society based on the contents of the book of entries of brothers of the Brotherhood of the Rosary of that town, which covers the period between 1712 and 1880. The same religious association was established in the Dominican monastery in this Alentejo town and was probably founded by free blacks in the 16th century, the period from which the oldest references are preserved. The main interest of this document is that it gives an approximate idea of the importance of the trades and economic activities that developed in the town during this period, given that there is no complete statistical source on the town during the Ancien Régime. The open nature of the Rosário brotherhoods, which admitted all types of people, including slaves, provides a comprehensive insight into the diversity of professions of Montemor-o-Novo’s residents.

Resumo Este estudo tem o objetivo de identificar traços de Economia Solidária emergentes em uma cidade periférica brasileira, bem como verificar a influência do contexto político-institucional do processo de implementação das políticas voltadas ao fomento. Utilizou-se o método exploratório, de base descritiva e com realização de pesquisas de campo. O estudo relata situação de fragilidade ocupacional, demandas por apoio político e dimensão pública mais moderna que possa apoiar o âmbito social da Economia Solidária, bem como proporcionar melhor bem-estar social e sobrevivência digna para seus associados. Concluiu-se que, o artesanato está em crescimento, porém o movimento de Economia Solidária ainda está às margens das políticas públicas, precisando ser incorporado à Agenda Governamental para o desenvolvimento sustentável.

Abstract This study aims to identify emerging solidarity economy traits in a peripheral Brazilian city, as well as to verify the influence of the political-institutional context of the process of implementing policies aimed at fostering. The exploratory method was used, with a descriptive basis and with field research. The study reports a situation of occupational fragility, demands for political support and a more modern public dimension that can support the social scope of the solidarity economy, as well as providing better social well-being and dignified survival for its members. It was concluded that handicrafts are growing, but the solidarity economy movement is still on the margins of public policies, needing to be incorporated into the Government Agenda for sustainable development.

Resumo Nas últimas décadas, dado o avanço do processo de transição demográfica e o expressivo crescimento da população idosa, impõe-se uma série de desafios em todo mundo. No caso brasileiro não é diferente, onde parte importante dos idosos ainda se mantêm ativos no mercado de trabalho, incluindo os aposentados que reingressaram na atividade laboral remunerada. O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar a intensidade da mobilidade pendular da população idosa nas principais Concentrações Urbanas Metropolitanas (CUMs) brasileiras, incluindo uma avaliação da estrutura por idade e sexo, bem como do perfil ocupacional dos pendulares idosos, sejam eles aposentados ou não. Em geral, os resultados indicam que além da significativa e crescente participação da pendularidade dos idosos residentes nas metrópoles, bem como uma elevada proporção de ocupados, inclusive de aposentados. Nesse último caso a proporção de idosos aposentados entre os pendulares atinge quase 30%. Em alguns municípios supera metade dos idosos pendulares.

Abstract In recent decades, the progression of the demographic transition and the substantial growth of the elderly population have presented a series of challenges worldwide. Brazil is no exception, where a significant portion of the elderly population remains active in the labor market, including retirees who have re-entered paid employment. This study's primary objective is to analyze the commuting patterns of the elderly population within the major Brazilian Metropolitan Urban Concentrations (MUBs). The analysis includes an assessment of the age and gender structure, as well as the occupational profiles of elderly commuters, whether retired or not. The findings generally indicate a significant and growing participation of elderly commuters residing in metropolitan areas, with a notable proportion being employed, including retirees. In some municipalities, the proportion of retired elderly commuters reaches nearly 30%, and in certain cases, it exceeds half of the elderly commuting population.