Medievalista

Editorial - De tradição e inovação

Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie. Sobre uma escassez cerealífera nas terras de Alcobaça (1438-1440)

Resumo Os europeus da Idade Média sempre valorizaram o pão dentro do seu sistema alimentar, sobretudo à medida que a carne, outro alimento altamente valorizado, se ia tornando mais escassa. Mas, por tradição mais que milenar, na Europa e no Mediterrâneo, o pão era o alimento por excelência, o único que os fiéis pediam a Deus nas suas orações por ser aquele cuja falta era sinónimo da fome. O cereal cultivava-se por toda a parte, sem que isso impedisse as épocas de escassez e de carestia, tanto no campo, como nas cidades. Se estas últimas tinham outros meios para responder a essas crises e estes fenómenos foram aí mais estudados, mal se conhece o modo como os homens dos campos reagiam a tais adversidades. A partir de um livro com a contabilidade do mosteiro de Alcobaça dos anos de 1437-1440, analisa-se a resposta do mundo rural à crise cerealífera de 1438-1440. Mais clara no que respeita ao mosteiro, já que as reacções dos camponeses são mais difíceis de sondar, por estarem filtradas pelo olhar do senhorio. Em 1439, a redução em dois terços das receitas de cereal da abadia foi compensada pelo cultivo do milho-alvo, um cereal de primavera que podia substituir o trigo e a cevada. Mas a crise teve outros efeitos, como a espiral dos preços do cereal, o aumento das taxas de extração de farinha e a diminuição da qualidade do pão de cada dia, ou o recurso a alimentos de substituição. Dos monges aos camponeses, todos sentiram as consequências desta crise, embora em escalas e em modos muito diferentes.

Abstract The Europeans of the Middle Ages have always valued bread within their food system, especially as meat, another highly valued food, became scarcer. But by tradition, more than a thousand years old, in Europe and the Mediterranean, bread was the food par excellence, the only one that the faithful asked God for in their prayers because it was the one whose lack meant hunger. Grain was grown everywhere, but this didn't stop times of scarcity and famine, both in the countryside and in the cities. While the latter had other means of responding to these crises and these phenomena have been better studied there, we barely know how rural people reacted to such adversities. The response of the rural world to the cereal crisis of 1438-1440 is analyzed through a book containing the accounts of the monastery of Alcobaça for the years 1437-1440. This is clearer for the monastery, since the peasants' reactions are more difficult to discern, as they are filtered through the eyes of the landlord. In 1439, the reduction of two-thirds in the abbey's cereal revenues was countered by the cultivation of target maize, a spring cereal that could replace wheat and barley. But the crisis had other effects, such as spiraling grain prices, rising flour extraction rates and a decline in the quality of daily bread, or the resort to substitute foods. From monks to peasants, everyone felt the consequences of this crisis, albeit on very different scales and in very dissimilar ways.

Serving the king around 1300: Guillaume de Nogaret or the mystique of monarchical authority into action

Résumé Garde du sceau et maître de la politique capétienne au début du xive siècle, Guillaume de Nogaret, juriste et administrateur expert, fut l’un des tout premiers serviteurs de l’État royal dont, contre la papauté notamment, il a voulu affirmer l’entière souveraineté jusqu’à en faire une véritable mystique. Pourtant, l’homme, qui souffre d’une légende noire, est mal connu. De récentes recherches, largement inédites, se sont attachées à sa pratique du pouvoir, mais aucune biographie ne lui a été consacrée depuis la fin du xixe siècle. L’article, bien sûr, n’a pas la prétention de combler un tel manque. Il illustre cependant la possibilité d’une saisie biographique, l’intérêt qui serait sien, et, par-delà le mythe, en liant l’action de Guillaume de Nogaret dans le Midi français et à la cour capétienne, il révèle les lignes de force d’une existence tout entière dédiée au service royal et portée, jusqu’à la brutalité, par l’obsession de l’intérêt du royaume érigé, en actes et en pensée, en une mystique alors tout à fait inédite, ouvrant la voie à l’absolutisme.

Abtract Guillaume de Nogaret was keeper of the seal and master of Capetian politics at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Expert jurist and administrator, he was one of the very first servants of the royal State whose entire sovereignty, against the papacy in particular, he wanted to assert to the point of making it a true mystic. However, the man, who suffers from a dark legend, is little known. Recent investigations, largely unpublished, have focused on his practice of power, but no biography has been dedicated to him from the end of the nineteenth century. The article, of course, does not claim to fill such a gap. Yet, it illustrates the possibility of a biographical seizure, the interest which would be that of such a research, and, beyond the myth, by linking the action of Guillaume de Nogaret in the French South and to the Capetian court, it reveals the main lines of an existence entirely dedicated to royal service and carried, to the point of brutality, by the obsession with the interest of the realm erected, in deeds and in thought, into a mystic then completely new, opening the way to the absolutism.

The Prince Heir’s diplomacy (XIII-XVI Centuries) - an introduction

The prince’s diplomacy in Castille: Alfonso X

Resumen Es conocido que, durante su período como infante heredero, Alfonso X desarrolló una cierta actividad política junto a su padre. Aquí se analiza el uso que hizo de la diplomacia dentro de esa actividad política, revisando las causas para su utilización, los momentos, así como las formas en que se sirvió de ella mientras era heredero del reino y en vida de su padre. Para ello se releen las crónicas y las fuentes de archivo disponibles que nos transmiten una actividad ciertamente relevante y con características interesantes: tanto por sus formas, como por su relación con la política de su padre Fernando III de León y Castilla.

Abstract Alfonso X was, while he was crown prince, politically active. It is known that he carried out important activities alongside his father. This article analyses his use of diplomacy in these activities. Using the available chronicles and archival sources, his diplomacy is shown both in its characteristics as well as in its relationship with the politics of Ferdinand III of León and Castile.

Diplomacy over time: the role of the Aragonese Crown Princes in the Anglo-Aragonese marriage negotiations from 1273 to 1291

Résumé Les recherches sur les négociations matrimoniales ont eu tendance à présenter les princes héritiers comme de simples objets de négociation dans les affaires diplomatiques. Cette perspective mérite d’être nuancée à la lumière du projet de mariage anglo-aragonais conduit sur la période 1268-1285. En effet, Pierre d’Aragon suivi de son fils Alphonse sont des acteurs centraux dans ces négociations. L'article étudie le rôle actif que certains héritiers royaux peuvent jouer dans le domaine de la diplomatie. Cette fonction se développe en parallèle de l’établissement du principe de succession dans la Couronne d’Aragon au XIIIe siècle qui transforme la figure du prince héritier en une incarnation du futur de la dynastie. Sa participation aux affaires diplomatiques permet dès lors de le préparer à son futur rôle de roi, mais également d’envisager les actions diplomatiques dans le temps long de la dynastie, au-delà de la simple durée d’un règne.

Abstract The study of matrimonial negotiations previously characterised by the perception of the Crown Princes as mere objects of negotiation in diplomatic affairs, reveals a different perspective in the light of the Anglo-Aragonese marriage project of 1268-1285. Peter of Aragon and his son Alfonso were indeed central players in these negotiations. The article explores the active role that certain royal heirs play in diplomatic affairs. This new role accompanied the establishment of the principle of succession in the Crown of Aragon in the 13th century, which transformed the figure of the crown prince into an embodiment of the future of the dynasty. His involvement in diplomatic affairs thus enables him to prepare for his future role as king, but also to consider diplomatic actions in the long term of the dynasty, beyond the mere duration of a reign.

Philip the Fair before Philip IV, which diplomacy? (1276 - 1285)

Resume Philippe le Bel est le primogenitus du royaume de France de 1276 à 1285. Ses premières activités diplomatiques se font au côté de son père, au début des années 1280 : il participe, avec les autres membres de la famille royale, aux rencontres avec Pierre III d’Aragon. Destinataire privilégié des lettres de l’infant Alphonse d’Aragon, il semble s’inscrire dans une diplomatie de primogeniti. Jusqu’en août 1285 ses activités diplomatiques sont fortement liées à celles de son frère cadet, Charles de Valois : les documents enregistrés aux Archives de la Couronne d’Aragon les mentionnent généralement en binôme. Sa chevalerie et ses noces, à l’Assomption 1285, en pleine préparation de l’expédition de la “Croisade d’Aragon’’, le font changer d’envergure. Devenu roi de Navarre, l’héritier du royaume de France participe au financement de l’expédition à travers le droit de fiefs que doivent payer les vassaux de Philippe III. Pendant le conflit, alors que Philippe le Bel prend part activement aux combats, il maintient des canaux de communication avec Pierre. Les chroniqueurs catalans le décrivent comme le représentant du parti aragonais en France, insistant sur l’opposition du primogenitus à son père, ce qui ne peut être validé par l’analyse de ses activités diplomatiques.

Abstract Philip the Fair is primogenitus of France from 1276 to 1285. His first diplomatic activities are alongside his father, at the beginning of the 1280s : he participates, with other members of the royal family, in meetings with Peter III of Aragon. Privileged recipient of letters from the Infante Alfonso of Aragon, he seems to be part of a diplomacy of primogeniti. Until August 1285 his diplomatic activities are strongly linked to those of his younger brother, Charles of Valois: the documents recorded in the Archives of the Kingdom of Aragon generally mention them in pairs. His chivalry and his wedding, at the Assumption 1285, in full preparation for the expedition of the “Crusade of Aragon”, made him change in stature. Having become king of Navarre, the heir to the kingdom of France helps finance the expedition through the fiefdom fees that the vassals of Philip III have to pay. During the conflict, while Philip the Fair takes an active part in the fights, he maintains channels of communication with Peter. Catalan chroniclers describe him as the representative of the Aragonese party in France, emphasizing the opposition of the primogenitus to his father, which cannot be validated by the analysis of his diplomatic activities.

From obedience to rebellion? Diplomatic action by Afonso, Crown Prince of Denis of Portugal (1291-1325)

Résumé Le soulèvement de l'héritier de la couronne portugaise, Alphonse, contre son père, le roi Denis du Portugal (1279-1325), entre 1317 et 1323, a profondément marqué le regard porté sur les relations existant entre le souverain, et son héritier et successeur. Le présent article s’efforce de contourner les limitations parfois imposées par les différentes sources en adoptant une approche de longue durée, en partant justement de la perspective du prince et en cherchant à comprendre, à l'aide de différents témoignages, la manière dont l'héritier a été engagé dans les actions diplomatiques menées par son père, en tentant ainsi de retracer les diverses phases de cette relation, tout en essayant de repérer les actes ou bien les moments où le prince a eu et a pu agir de manière indépendante, c'est-à-dire en évitant que son action soit conditionnée ou contrôlée par les intérêts de son père.

Abstract The rebellion of the heir to the Portuguese crown, Afonso, against his father, King Dinis of Portugal (1279-1325), between 1317 and 1323, had a profound influence on the perception we have of the relationship that existed between the sovereign and his heir and successor. The aim of the present essay is to circumvent the occasional limitations imposed by the available sources and adopt a broader approach, taking the Prince's perspective as the starting point whilst seeking to understand, through various testimonies, the manner in which the successor was involved in his father's diplomatic efforts. In so doing, we seek to retrace the different phases of this relationship, while at the same time attempting to highlight instances when the Prince was able to act independently, that is, when his actions were neither conditioned nor regulated by his father's interests.

The role of the Aragonese primogènits in the conquest of the Regnum Sardiniae et Corsicae (1323-1421)

Résumé Entre 1323 et 1421, le “fet de Sardenya” et la conquête de la Corse furent l’un des principaux problèmes auquel les rois d’Aragon furent confrontés. Au cœur d’une longue guerre contre la Commune de Gênes, la domination des îles fut en effet l’un des enjeux de la diplomatie aragonaise. La difficile conquête du Regnum Sardiniae et Corsicae impliqua aussi bien les rois d’Aragon que leurs princes héritiers, de sorte que son étude offre un bel éclairage sur l’éventail des relations, allant de la soumission au conflit ouvert, entre les rois et leurs primogènits, au sein de la Couronne d’Aragon.

Abstract Between 1323 and 1421, the “fet de Sardenya" and the conquest of Corsica were one of the main issues the king of Aragon had to face. In the midst of a long war against the Commune of Genoa, the domination of the islands was one of the key issues in Aragonese diplomacy. The difficult conquest of the Regnum Sardiniae et Corsicae involved both the kings of Aragon and their Crown princes. This study sheds light upon the range of relations, from submission to revolt, between the kings and their primogènits within the Crown of Aragon.

“O melhor e mais obediente filho”: Duarte, infante de Portugal, na diplomacia ibérica (1412-1433)

Resumo Entre 1412 e 1433, ano em que será aclamado por rei, o infante herdeiro de Portugal, D. Duarte, assume boa parte das funções régias. Ao longo de duas décadas, o pai (o veterano rei D. João I) valer-se-á do primogénito para auxiliar a governança régia no tocante à administração, à justiça, ou a certos assuntos económicos. Tal tem sido descrito pela historiografia como a “associação” de D. Duarte ao trono. O presente ensaio parte de uma interrogação: Terá tido D. Duarte um papel próprio no campo diplomático? Procurando responder a essa questão, é tida em conta a situação do infante como primeiro na linha sucessória, a sua pertença a uma dinastia que se mostra politicamente muito unida, e as suas próprias concretizações ao nível das relações externas. A documentação gerada em torno de diversos tratados, envolvendo Aragão, Castela e Navarra, parece sobretudo indicar uma postura sóbria e disciplinada por parte do herdeiro, subordinada a uma lógica dinástica em que o monarca detém a última palavra.

Abstract From about 1412, infante Duarte, Portugal’s heir apparent, took on a large portion of the roles expected of a king, until 1433, the year he finally came to the throne. For two decades, his father, King João I - already a seasoned sovereign - had come to rely on the firstborn to assist him in the everyday management of royal administration, justice, and certain economic matters. This was to become known to historians as the prince-king “association”. This essay departs from an interrogation, of whether Duarte was able - or expected at all - to play a role of his own in diplomatic affairs. My argument takes into account Duarte’s posturing as the first in the line of succession, his position as one of several siblings in a tightly knit dynasty, and his own realisations in external politics. The documentary evidence surrounding several treaties involving Aragon, Castile and Navarre seems to point to Duarte’s restraint as a diplomatic player in his own right, even during the “association” period before he became king. For the most part, he remained subordinate to a dynastic logic, with his father firmly hanging on to the helm.

Em nome do pai? A diplomacia do príncipe João de Portugal (1474-1481)

Abstract Prince João assumed some protagonism in the life of the kingdom of Portugal from 1471 onwards, when he was part of the army that conquered Arzila (North Africa), and successively increased his preponderance in governance until the end of the life of his father, King Afonso V. This article describes, analyses and seeks to interpret João's “escalation” in the political leadership of the kingdom with a focus on his participation in diplomatic activities. The preponderance he achieved during the war with Castile (1475-1479) and the establishment of peace (1479-1480) stands out. This was a period in which he often acted autonomously and led political lines different from those defended by his father.

Resumo O príncipe João assumiu algum protagonismo na vida do reino de Portugal a partir de 1471, quando integrou o exército que conquistou Arzila (Norte de África), e aumentou sucessivamente a sua preponderância na governação até ao final da vida do seu pai, o rei Afonso V. Este artigo descreve, analisa e procura interpretar essa “escalada” de João na condução política do reino com foco na sua participação em atividades diplomáticas. Destaca-se a preponderância que alcançou durante a guerra com Castela (1475-1479) e o estabelecimento da paz (1479-1480), um período em que muitas vezes atuou autonomamente e protagonizando linhas políticas diferentes das que eram defendidas pelo seu pai.

Tal pai tal filho?Um vislumbre de alguns casos de diplomacia paralela no Cairo Mamluk do século XV

Abstract Against the assumption that premodern diplomacy was mostly taking place among equals, this article aims to investigate several cases of parallel diplomacy during the 15th century between the Timurids, the Qara Qoyunlu and the Mamluk sultanate in Cairo. While during the previous period official rulers were indeed dominating the diplomatic stage, it seems that in the fifteenth century, members of their family (sons and even grandson) also took part in the game. The paper aims to present those cases and highlight the importance of diplomatic letter collection for the study of intra-Muslim contacts beyond the sultans.

Resumo Contra a suposição de que a diplomacia pré-moderna ocorria principalmente entre iguais, este artigo pretende investigar vários casos de diplomacia paralela durante o século XV entre os Timurids, os Qara Qoyunlu e o sultanato Mamluk no Cairo. Embora durante o período anterior os governantes oficiais dominassem, efetivamente, a cena diplomática, parece que no século XV, os membros da sua família (filhos e até netos) também participavam nesta dinâmica. O artigo pretende apresentar esses casos e destacar a importância da recolha de cartas diplomáticas para o estudo dos contactos intra-muçulmanos para além dos sultões.

Catherine de’ Medici before Catherine de’ Medici: diplomacy as political space for a female heir (1533-1547)

Résumé Quelle est la place diplomatique de Catherine de Médicis avant de devenir reine, puis reine mère? Alors qu’elle n’est que princesse héritière et que la branche des Médicis dont elle est issue n’est plus au pouvoir à Florence, comment pense-t-elle sa place au sein de la société des princes? Cet article étudie la diplomatie florentine de la dauphine, de 1533 à 1547, afin d’en comprendre les objectifs, mais aussi et surtout les outils et les fondements juridiques. Il s’agit de montrer que la diplomatie des héritiers, dans ce cas précis, s’ancre dans des réalités aux marges du droit international, fondées sur l’usage des domestiques de la maison delphinale, afin de permettre à la dauphine, et, par extension, son mari, futur Henri II, d’asseoir leur existence au sein de la société des princes européens et de se forger une place à la cour de France. Fondé sur la reconstitution de la correspondance de Catherine de Médicis avec son cousin, Côme Ier de Médicis, duc de Florence (1537-1574), cette étude traverse les méandres de la diplomatie de la fin du Moyen Âge, à travers fonds privés, registres de chancellerie et correspondances diplomatiques, dans la lignée d’une historiographie récente qui voit en la diplomatie une “activité politique flexible” (Isabella Lazzarini).

Abstract Who was Catherine de’ Medici in Europe before she became Queen dowager? How did she think her place inside the princes’ society, considering she came from a branch that had been removed from power in Florence? This paper studies the Florentine diplomacy of the dauphine, from 1533 to 1547. It analyses as much its stakes as its tools and juridical foundations. It shows how heirs’ diplomacy, in this precise case study, roots within the margins of international law, onto domestic human resources, which gives the dauphine and her husband, future Henry II, the ability to forge their own political space, in the court of France, but also besides the kingdom’s limits. Founded on an important reconstruction of Catherine’s correspondence with her cousin, Cosimo I de’ Medici, duke of Florence (1537-1574), this study travels through Early modern diplomacy’s meanders, within private archives, chancery registers and diplomatic correspondences, shedding light upon the flexibility that Isabella Lazzarini theorised.

Os Ducas e a recompensa dificilmente dividida: a busca (fracassada) por poder partilhado no governo de Aleixo I (1081-1118)

Resumo A rebelião que levou os Comnenos ao poder, em 1081, foi bem-sucedida e resultante de vários apoios, o mais importante dos quais foi dado pelos Ducas, uma linhagem que já havia controlado o poder imperial e com a qual Aleixo era ligado por matrimônio. A posição tradicional da historiografia é de que esse foi o início de um governo aristocrático no qual os parentes do imperador desfrutavam de uma parcela do poder. Entretanto, estudos mais recentes contestam a extensão da distribuição de poder sob os Comnenos (1081-1118), alegando que esses imperadores eram mais centralizadores e tradicionais do que se pensava anteriormente. No entanto, de fato, os imperadores distribuíram o poder, principalmente Aleixo I (1081-1118), mas de forma mais restrita e pontual. Assim, em função do papel dos Ducas na rebelião, esperava-se que Aleixo I compartilhasse o poder com essa família, mas preferiu fazê-lo com sua mãe e seu irmão. Os Ducas, sentindo-se melindrados, não pouparam esforços para buscar espaço no regime, resultando em uma série de crises internas que contrapuseram diversos membros desse consorcio familiar que havia tomado o poder. Por fim, não foram bem-sucedidos. Contudo, essa reivindicação por poder partilhado produziu uma identidade paralela dos Ducas e discursos correspondentes, os quais perduraram após a morte de Aleixo I e continuaram existindo durante o reinado de João II (1118-1143). Esta identidade enfatizava o papel desta família na tomada do poder e na legitimação do novo imperador, assim como demandava espaço e poder. Este artigo tratará destes temas.

Abstract The rebellion that brought the Komnenoi to power in 1081 was successful because it had many supporters, the most important of which was the Doukai, a lineage that had already controlled imperial power and with which Alexios was linked by marriage. The traditional position of historiography is that this was the beginning of an aristocratic government in which the emperor’s relatives enjoyed a share of power. However, more recent studies dispute the extent of the distribution of power under the Komnenoi (1081-1118), claiming that these emperors were more centralizing and traditional than previously thought. However, in fact, the emperors did distribute power, especially Alexios I (1081-1118), but in a more restricted and ad hoc way. Thus, given the Doukas’ role in the rebellion, it was expected that Alexios I would share power with this family, but he preferred to do so with his mother and brother. The Doukas, feeling aggrieved, spared no effort to gain a foothold in the regime, resulting in a series of internal crises that pitted various members of the family consortium that had seized power against each other. In the end, they were unsuccessful. However, this claim for shared power produced a parallel identity for the Doukas and corresponding discourses, which lasted after the death of Alexios I and continued to exist during the reign of John II (1118-1143). This identity emphasized the role of this family in seizure of power and the legitimization of the new emperor, as well as demanded space and power. This article will deal with these issues.

Recensão / Review : D’Orient en Occident: Les Templiers des origines à la fin du XIIe siècle: Actas du colloque international

Recensão / Review: Rules for a Knight. The Last Letter of Sir Thomas Lemuel Hawke

Recensão / Review: Mulleres medievais. Textos e imaxes na lírica galego-portuguesa. Con dous apêndices sobre antecedentes e supervivências na lírica peninsular

Recensão / Review: Castilla y Portugal en la Edad Media: relaciones, contactos, influencias (siglos XII-XV)

Cerâmica, povoamento e formações sociais entre Tejo e Mondego, nos séculos VI a XIV

Royal residences in the Kingdom of Majorca (13^th-15^th centuries). A study of mediaeval architecture in context.

Estudar a caça régia segundo os seus espaços e oficiais

O renascimento hospitalar na Península Ibérica (séculos XIV-XVI)

“To my surprise, I discovered…”: Harvey Sharrer e a Literatura Portuguesa

Hoje há História da Cultura, amanhã não sabemos (nos 20 anos do IEM)

O IEM e os estudos medievais em Portugal: passado, presente e futuro. In memoriam José Mattoso e Luís Krus