Scielo RSS <![CDATA[População e Sociedade]]> http://scielo.pt/rss.php?pid=2184-526320230002&lang=es vol. num. 40 lang. es <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://scielo.pt/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://scielo.pt <![CDATA[Current perspectives on cross-border cooperation in the Galicia-North Portugal Euro-region: joint investment plans]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200001&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo As relações entre a Galiza e o Norte de Portugal são ancestrais (recuam à Idade Média), assentando em laços linguísticos, culturais e históricos sobre um espaço geográfico comum - o noroeste peninsular. Mais recentemente, em tempos de democracia, a cooperação territorial, tendo por base os laços históricos, as afinidades geográficas e a própria identidade cultural que une estas regiões, foi-se desenvolvendo através de programas e projetos específicos que recebem financiamento de diferentes fontes, incluindo fundos oriundos da União Europeia (UE), ao abrigo do programa Interreg e do principal instrumento financeiro da UE destinado a promover a coesão económica e social entre as regiões europeias, o Fundo Europeu de Desenvolvimento Regional (FEDER). O objetivo deste estudo é o de proceder a uma análise descritiva e explicativa dos planos de investimento conjuntos da Euro-região Galiza-Norte de Portugal, identificando o padrão evolutivo dos eixos de cooperação entre as duas regiões, que visam promover o desenvolvimento conjunto e a resolução de desafios comuns prospetando o futuro da cooperação transfronteiriça. A estrutura do trabalho organiza-se em três tópicos. O primeiro define o quadro evolutivo mais recente das relações entre as duas regiões do noroeste peninsular, o segundo refere-se à consagração da Euro-região da Galiza-Norte de Portugal e, por último, são analisados os eixos prioritários de cooperação transfronteiriça com realce para os programas operacionais e os planos de investimentos conjuntos desde 2007 a 2027, em perspetiva comparada.<hr/>Abstract Relations between Galicia and the north of Portugal go back a long way (to the Middle Ages), based on linguistic, cultural and historical ties over a common geographical area - the north-west of the Iberian Peninsula. More recently, in times of democracy, territorial cooperation, based on the historical ties, geographical affinities and cultural identity that connect these regions, has developed through specific programmes and projects that receive funding from different sources, including funds from the European Union (EU) under the Interreg programme and the EU's main financial instrument for promoting economic and social cohesion between European regions, the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). The aim of this study is to carry out a descriptive and explanatory analysis of the investment programmes of the Euroregion Galicia Norte de Portugal, identifying the evolutionary pattern of the axes of cooperation between the two regions, which aim to promote joint development and the resolution of common challenges, looking to the future of cross-border cooperation. The structure of the article is organised into three topics. The first defines the most recent evolutionary framework of relations between the two regions in the north-west of the Iberian Peninsula, the second refers to the establishment of the Galicia-Northern Portugal Euroregion and finally the priority axes of cross-border cooperation framework are analysed, with an emphasis on the strategic programs and EU funding programmes since 2007 until 2027, in a comparative perspective. <![CDATA[Current perspectives on cross-border cooperation in the Galicia-North Portugal Euro-region: joint investment plans]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200001&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo As relações entre a Galiza e o Norte de Portugal são ancestrais (recuam à Idade Média), assentando em laços linguísticos, culturais e históricos sobre um espaço geográfico comum - o noroeste peninsular. Mais recentemente, em tempos de democracia, a cooperação territorial, tendo por base os laços históricos, as afinidades geográficas e a própria identidade cultural que une estas regiões, foi-se desenvolvendo através de programas e projetos específicos que recebem financiamento de diferentes fontes, incluindo fundos oriundos da União Europeia (UE), ao abrigo do programa Interreg e do principal instrumento financeiro da UE destinado a promover a coesão económica e social entre as regiões europeias, o Fundo Europeu de Desenvolvimento Regional (FEDER). O objetivo deste estudo é o de proceder a uma análise descritiva e explicativa dos planos de investimento conjuntos da Euro-região Galiza-Norte de Portugal, identificando o padrão evolutivo dos eixos de cooperação entre as duas regiões, que visam promover o desenvolvimento conjunto e a resolução de desafios comuns prospetando o futuro da cooperação transfronteiriça. A estrutura do trabalho organiza-se em três tópicos. O primeiro define o quadro evolutivo mais recente das relações entre as duas regiões do noroeste peninsular, o segundo refere-se à consagração da Euro-região da Galiza-Norte de Portugal e, por último, são analisados os eixos prioritários de cooperação transfronteiriça com realce para os programas operacionais e os planos de investimentos conjuntos desde 2007 a 2027, em perspetiva comparada.<hr/>Abstract Relations between Galicia and the north of Portugal go back a long way (to the Middle Ages), based on linguistic, cultural and historical ties over a common geographical area - the north-west of the Iberian Peninsula. More recently, in times of democracy, territorial cooperation, based on the historical ties, geographical affinities and cultural identity that connect these regions, has developed through specific programmes and projects that receive funding from different sources, including funds from the European Union (EU) under the Interreg programme and the EU's main financial instrument for promoting economic and social cohesion between European regions, the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). The aim of this study is to carry out a descriptive and explanatory analysis of the investment programmes of the Euroregion Galicia Norte de Portugal, identifying the evolutionary pattern of the axes of cooperation between the two regions, which aim to promote joint development and the resolution of common challenges, looking to the future of cross-border cooperation. The structure of the article is organised into three topics. The first defines the most recent evolutionary framework of relations between the two regions in the north-west of the Iberian Peninsula, the second refers to the establishment of the Galicia-Northern Portugal Euroregion and finally the priority axes of cross-border cooperation framework are analysed, with an emphasis on the strategic programs and EU funding programmes since 2007 until 2027, in a comparative perspective. <![CDATA[On the dynamics of cooperation and/or competition in the Euroregion Galicia-North Portugal]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200016&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo Atualmente, as relações entre a Galiza e Portugal parecem caracterizar-se por um certo paradoxo. Por um lado, desde os anos 1990, a União Europeia (UE) promoveu a cooperação territorial através de contribuições financeiras (INTERREG) para a execução de projetos comuns. Posteriormente, proporcionou um quadro jurídico-institucional através da regulamentação dos Agrupamentos Europeus de Cooperação Territorial (AECT). Esta cooperação, especialmente a cooperação transfronteiriça, é concebida como um instrumento útil para melhorar a competitividade de certas zonas locais e regionais (efeito de barreira) e para aproximar os cidadãos. Ao mesmo tempo, no contexto da globalização e da internacionalização dos mercados, os Estados praticam uma "política do melhor lugar". Tentam criar dentro das suas fronteiras as condições mais adequadas para atrair investimentos e a valorização do capital. Desta forma, são geradas dinâmicas de concorrência entre territórios. Este artigo tem precisamente como objetivo realizar uma análise das dinâmicas de concorrência e cooperação que se podem detetar na Eurorregião Galiza-Norte de Portugal. Para isso, analisaremos o discurso dos principais atores e agentes envolvidos nos processos produtivos da Eurorregião: políticos, empresários e sindicatos.<hr/>Abstract At present, relations between Galicia and Portugal seem to be characterised by a certain paradox. On the one hand, since the 1990s, the EU has promoted territorial cooperation through financial contributions (INTERREG) for the implementation of joint projects. Later, it provided a legal-institutional framework through the regulation of European Groupings of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC). This cooperation, especially cross-border cooperation, is conceived as a useful tool for improving the competitiveness of certain local and regional areas (barrier effect) and for bringing citizens closer together. At the same time, in the context of globalisation and the internationalisation of markets, states are practising a "best place policy". They try to create the most suitable conditions within their borders for attracting investment and capital appreciation. In this way, competitive dynamics are generated between territories. This article aim to carry out an analysis of the dynamics of competition and cooperation that can be detected in the Galicia-North Portugal Euroregion. To this end, we will analyse the discourse of the main actors and agents involved in the productive processes in the Euroregion: politicians, business leaders and trade unions. <![CDATA[On the dynamics of cooperation and/or competition in the Euroregion Galicia-North Portugal]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200016&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo Atualmente, as relações entre a Galiza e Portugal parecem caracterizar-se por um certo paradoxo. Por um lado, desde os anos 1990, a União Europeia (UE) promoveu a cooperação territorial através de contribuições financeiras (INTERREG) para a execução de projetos comuns. Posteriormente, proporcionou um quadro jurídico-institucional através da regulamentação dos Agrupamentos Europeus de Cooperação Territorial (AECT). Esta cooperação, especialmente a cooperação transfronteiriça, é concebida como um instrumento útil para melhorar a competitividade de certas zonas locais e regionais (efeito de barreira) e para aproximar os cidadãos. Ao mesmo tempo, no contexto da globalização e da internacionalização dos mercados, os Estados praticam uma "política do melhor lugar". Tentam criar dentro das suas fronteiras as condições mais adequadas para atrair investimentos e a valorização do capital. Desta forma, são geradas dinâmicas de concorrência entre territórios. Este artigo tem precisamente como objetivo realizar uma análise das dinâmicas de concorrência e cooperação que se podem detetar na Eurorregião Galiza-Norte de Portugal. Para isso, analisaremos o discurso dos principais atores e agentes envolvidos nos processos produtivos da Eurorregião: políticos, empresários e sindicatos.<hr/>Abstract At present, relations between Galicia and Portugal seem to be characterised by a certain paradox. On the one hand, since the 1990s, the EU has promoted territorial cooperation through financial contributions (INTERREG) for the implementation of joint projects. Later, it provided a legal-institutional framework through the regulation of European Groupings of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC). This cooperation, especially cross-border cooperation, is conceived as a useful tool for improving the competitiveness of certain local and regional areas (barrier effect) and for bringing citizens closer together. At the same time, in the context of globalisation and the internationalisation of markets, states are practising a "best place policy". They try to create the most suitable conditions within their borders for attracting investment and capital appreciation. In this way, competitive dynamics are generated between territories. This article aim to carry out an analysis of the dynamics of competition and cooperation that can be detected in the Galicia-North Portugal Euroregion. To this end, we will analyse the discourse of the main actors and agents involved in the productive processes in the Euroregion: politicians, business leaders and trade unions. <![CDATA[<em>Resemanticization</em> and <em>euroregionalization</em>. Contributions for the analysis of the force lines within the Galician-Portuguese relational framework in the 21sh Century]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200032&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo A partir da explicitação das que entendemos serem as ideias fortes que presidiram ao relacionamento galego-português desde o século XIX, neste artigo, em seguimento de estudos anteriores, serão elencados e analisados as iniciativas político-culturais (como por exemplo a Lei Valentim Paz Andrade [2014] ou o crescente desenvolvimento dos caminhos de Santiago em solo português) que contribuíram significativamente para enformar um quadro relacional poliédrico e submetido a forças de origens e natureza diversas (nomeadamente da União Europeia e dos dois Estados em questão) de modo a identificar as linhas de força do relacionamento galego-português na atualidade.<hr/>Abstract From the strating point of what we undertand to be the main ideas that have presided over the Galician-Portuguese relationship since the 19th century, in this article, following on from previous studies, political-cultural initiatives will be listed and analyzed (such as the Lei Valentim Paz Andrade [2014] or the growing development of the Portuguese Way of St. James) which significantly contributed to the formation of a polyhedral relational framework also subjected to forces of different origins and nature (namely from the European Union and the two aforementioned States) in order to identify the current force lines of the Galician-Portuguese relatinship in present times. <![CDATA[<em>Resemanticization</em> and <em>euroregionalization</em>. Contributions for the analysis of the force lines within the Galician-Portuguese relational framework in the 21sh Century]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200032&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo A partir da explicitação das que entendemos serem as ideias fortes que presidiram ao relacionamento galego-português desde o século XIX, neste artigo, em seguimento de estudos anteriores, serão elencados e analisados as iniciativas político-culturais (como por exemplo a Lei Valentim Paz Andrade [2014] ou o crescente desenvolvimento dos caminhos de Santiago em solo português) que contribuíram significativamente para enformar um quadro relacional poliédrico e submetido a forças de origens e natureza diversas (nomeadamente da União Europeia e dos dois Estados em questão) de modo a identificar as linhas de força do relacionamento galego-português na atualidade.<hr/>Abstract From the strating point of what we undertand to be the main ideas that have presided over the Galician-Portuguese relationship since the 19th century, in this article, following on from previous studies, political-cultural initiatives will be listed and analyzed (such as the Lei Valentim Paz Andrade [2014] or the growing development of the Portuguese Way of St. James) which significantly contributed to the formation of a polyhedral relational framework also subjected to forces of different origins and nature (namely from the European Union and the two aforementioned States) in order to identify the current force lines of the Galician-Portuguese relatinship in present times. <![CDATA[Galicia and Portuguese-Speaking Countries: a community of law?]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200045&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Résumé La Galice, communauté autonome et nationalité historique de l’Espagne, entretient des liens linguistiques et culturels, mais aussi sociaux et économiques, avec le Portugal et avec le Brésil. Mais quelle est sa relation juridique avec les États de langue portugaise dans leur ensemble ? La question se pose du fait de la maturité que l’organisation internationale lusophone, la Communauté des Pays de Langue Portugaise, ou CPLP, a acquis, et de son attractivité internationale. Quelles sont les possibilités, pour la Galice, de s’associer à cette organisation? La CPLP, en tant que structure, peut-elle intégrer dans son organisation une entité infranational comme c’est le cas de la Galice ? Par ailleurs, quels sont les points de contacts entre les droits de ces pays lusophones et la Galice? Enfin, quel intérêt a la Galice à s’associer à la « lusophonie »? Si la Galice a effectivement développé des relations politiques, culturelles et juridiques avec la CPLP, on peut cependant douter qu’une véritable culture juridique commune soit en train d’émerger, aussi bien au sein de la CPLP qu’entre la Galice et les États de langue portugaise.<hr/>Abstract Galicia, an autonomous community and historic nationality of Spain, has linguistic and cultural, as well as social and economic links with Portugal and Brazil. But what is its legal relationship with the Portuguese-speaking states as a whole? This question arises because of the maturity of the international Portuguese-speaking organisation, the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, or CPLP, and its international attractiveness. What opportunities does Galicia have to join this organisation? Can the CPLP, as a structure, integrate in its organisation a sub-national entity, as is the case for Galicia? What are the points of contact between the law of the Portuguese-speaking countries and Galicia? Finally, what is Galicia's interest in joining the 'Lusophony'? While Galicia has indeed developed political, cultural and legal relations with the CPLP, it is doubtful whether a genuine common legal culture is emerging, either within the CPLP, or between Galicia and the Portuguese-speaking states. <![CDATA[Galicia and Portuguese-Speaking Countries: a community of law?]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200045&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Résumé La Galice, communauté autonome et nationalité historique de l’Espagne, entretient des liens linguistiques et culturels, mais aussi sociaux et économiques, avec le Portugal et avec le Brésil. Mais quelle est sa relation juridique avec les États de langue portugaise dans leur ensemble ? La question se pose du fait de la maturité que l’organisation internationale lusophone, la Communauté des Pays de Langue Portugaise, ou CPLP, a acquis, et de son attractivité internationale. Quelles sont les possibilités, pour la Galice, de s’associer à cette organisation? La CPLP, en tant que structure, peut-elle intégrer dans son organisation une entité infranational comme c’est le cas de la Galice ? Par ailleurs, quels sont les points de contacts entre les droits de ces pays lusophones et la Galice? Enfin, quel intérêt a la Galice à s’associer à la « lusophonie »? Si la Galice a effectivement développé des relations politiques, culturelles et juridiques avec la CPLP, on peut cependant douter qu’une véritable culture juridique commune soit en train d’émerger, aussi bien au sein de la CPLP qu’entre la Galice et les États de langue portugaise.<hr/>Abstract Galicia, an autonomous community and historic nationality of Spain, has linguistic and cultural, as well as social and economic links with Portugal and Brazil. But what is its legal relationship with the Portuguese-speaking states as a whole? This question arises because of the maturity of the international Portuguese-speaking organisation, the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, or CPLP, and its international attractiveness. What opportunities does Galicia have to join this organisation? Can the CPLP, as a structure, integrate in its organisation a sub-national entity, as is the case for Galicia? What are the points of contact between the law of the Portuguese-speaking countries and Galicia? Finally, what is Galicia's interest in joining the 'Lusophony'? While Galicia has indeed developed political, cultural and legal relations with the CPLP, it is doubtful whether a genuine common legal culture is emerging, either within the CPLP, or between Galicia and the Portuguese-speaking states. <![CDATA[Universidad sin fronteras en la Eurorregión Galicia-Norte de Portugal: una exploración desde las experiencias de estudiantes y docentes]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200061&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumen La revisión bibliográfica sobre la cooperación universitaria en la Eurorregión Galicia-Norte de Portugal permite elaborar el guion de las entrevistas en profundidad, fuente fundamental de información en este trabajo. Se explora la movilidad estudiantil y docente e investigadora desde Galicia hacia el Norte de Portugal, concretamente hacia la Escola Superior de Enfermagem Dr. José Timóteo Montalvão Machado, para los primeros, y la Universidade do Minho, para los segundos. Se hace hincapié en conocer cuáles son las relaciones transfronterizas, el papel de la cuestión lingüística, cómo se aborda la residencia y cuáles son los facilitadores. Esta investigación exploratoria revela la importancia del capital relacional en la cooperación más allá del necesario marco comunitario y la existencia de estructuras formales, y subraya la relevancia de esta Eurorregión como marco espacial de referencia.<hr/>Abstract The literature review on university cooperation in the Galicia-North Portugal Euroregion allows for the development of the script for in-depth interviews, a fundamental source of information in this study. The study explores student and academic mobility, as well as research mobility from Galicia to Northern Portugal, specifically towards the Escola Superior de Enfermagem Dr. José Timóteo Montalvão Machado for the former, and the Universidade do Minho for the latter. Emphasis is placed on understanding cross-border relations, the role of linguistic issues, how residence is addressed, and what the facilitators are. This exploratory research reveals the importance of relational capital in cooperation beyond the necessary community framework and the existence of formal structures, emphasizing the relevance of this Euroregion as a spatial frame of reference. <![CDATA[Universidad sin fronteras en la Eurorregión Galicia-Norte de Portugal: una exploración desde las experiencias de estudiantes y docentes]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200061&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumen La revisión bibliográfica sobre la cooperación universitaria en la Eurorregión Galicia-Norte de Portugal permite elaborar el guion de las entrevistas en profundidad, fuente fundamental de información en este trabajo. Se explora la movilidad estudiantil y docente e investigadora desde Galicia hacia el Norte de Portugal, concretamente hacia la Escola Superior de Enfermagem Dr. José Timóteo Montalvão Machado, para los primeros, y la Universidade do Minho, para los segundos. Se hace hincapié en conocer cuáles son las relaciones transfronterizas, el papel de la cuestión lingüística, cómo se aborda la residencia y cuáles son los facilitadores. Esta investigación exploratoria revela la importancia del capital relacional en la cooperación más allá del necesario marco comunitario y la existencia de estructuras formales, y subraya la relevancia de esta Eurorregión como marco espacial de referencia.<hr/>Abstract The literature review on university cooperation in the Galicia-North Portugal Euroregion allows for the development of the script for in-depth interviews, a fundamental source of information in this study. The study explores student and academic mobility, as well as research mobility from Galicia to Northern Portugal, specifically towards the Escola Superior de Enfermagem Dr. José Timóteo Montalvão Machado for the former, and the Universidade do Minho for the latter. Emphasis is placed on understanding cross-border relations, the role of linguistic issues, how residence is addressed, and what the facilitators are. This exploratory research reveals the importance of relational capital in cooperation beyond the necessary community framework and the existence of formal structures, emphasizing the relevance of this Euroregion as a spatial frame of reference. <![CDATA[Galicia and Portugal. A fruitful courtship. New strategies for a Euroregion and Eurocity identity]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200080&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Abstract The implementation of European policies at the regional level is realized through the creation of intervention mechanisms, specific organizations, and funding within Euroregions and Eurocities. The Galicia-Northern Portugal Euroregion, due to its historical and cultural characteristics, has been benefiting from these policies. In this paper, we aim to start from a shared political and cultural history between Galicia and Portugal, particularly at the border delimited by the Minho River, to see how this border experience serves, or not, as an affirmation of European citizenship. Around the concepts of Frontier/border and Euroregion, we analyze two case studies: the Agenda 2030 of the Cerveira-Tomiño Eurocity and the creation of the Galician-Portuguese Intangible Cultural Heritage Center. The goal is to explore the potential of a policy of proximity and participatory citizenship for a stronger assertion of European citizenship. <![CDATA[Galicia and Portugal. A fruitful courtship. New strategies for a Euroregion and Eurocity identity]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200080&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Abstract The implementation of European policies at the regional level is realized through the creation of intervention mechanisms, specific organizations, and funding within Euroregions and Eurocities. The Galicia-Northern Portugal Euroregion, due to its historical and cultural characteristics, has been benefiting from these policies. In this paper, we aim to start from a shared political and cultural history between Galicia and Portugal, particularly at the border delimited by the Minho River, to see how this border experience serves, or not, as an affirmation of European citizenship. Around the concepts of Frontier/border and Euroregion, we analyze two case studies: the Agenda 2030 of the Cerveira-Tomiño Eurocity and the creation of the Galician-Portuguese Intangible Cultural Heritage Center. The goal is to explore the potential of a policy of proximity and participatory citizenship for a stronger assertion of European citizenship. <![CDATA[Galician as part of the Galician-Portuguese cultural and linguistic system or why is Fernando Venâncio not right?]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200108&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo Entre o contínuum lingüístico e cultural galego-portugués hai moito ruído institucional (Torres Feijó e Samartim, 2018) que é preciso silenciar. O ruído é entendido aquí como unha falla na comunicación provocada por un conxunto de obstáculos entre Galiza e Portugal, que traban a fluidez da relación e incluso chegan a impedir esta (cf. Quiroga, 2016). Ou desde unha perspectiva complementar, a identidade galega é sempre posta en causa en Portugal (García González, 2012; Pazos-Justo, 2016, p. 9). Porén, e como dicía Manuel María: “Se ollamos un mapa da península ibérica podemos comprobar que Galiza forma parte da súa cara atlántica. Galiza é, como se dixésemos, a cabeza de Portugal” (María, 2010, p. 14). O meu argumento chave neste texto é que a lingua e a cultura galegas fan parte do sistema lingüístico e cultural galego-portugués, e desenvolverei esta perspectiva culturalista integracionista a partir de un diálogo crítico e dialéctico coa obra de Fernando Venâncio titulada “Assim nasceu uma língua”.<hr/>Abstract Between the Galician-Portuguese linguistic and cultural continuum there is a lot of institutional noise (Torres Feijó and Samartim, 2018) that needs to be silenced. The noise is understood here as a failure in communication caused by a set of obstacles between Galicia and Portugal, which block the fluidity of the relationship and even prevent it (cf. Quiroga, 2016). Or from a complementary perspective, Galician identity is always called into question in Portugal (García González, 2012; Pazos-Justo, 2016, p. 9). However, as Manuel María said: "If we look at a map of the Iberian Peninsula, we can see that Galicia is part of its Atlantic side. Galicia is, as we say, the head of Portugal" (María, 2010, p. 14). My key argument in this text is that the Galician language and culture are part of the Galician-Portuguese linguistic and cultural system, and I will develop this integrationist culturalist perspective from a critical and dialectical dialogue with Fernando Venâncio's work entitled "Assim nasceu uma língua" . <![CDATA[Galician as part of the Galician-Portuguese cultural and linguistic system or why is Fernando Venâncio not right?]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200108&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo Entre o contínuum lingüístico e cultural galego-portugués hai moito ruído institucional (Torres Feijó e Samartim, 2018) que é preciso silenciar. O ruído é entendido aquí como unha falla na comunicación provocada por un conxunto de obstáculos entre Galiza e Portugal, que traban a fluidez da relación e incluso chegan a impedir esta (cf. Quiroga, 2016). Ou desde unha perspectiva complementar, a identidade galega é sempre posta en causa en Portugal (García González, 2012; Pazos-Justo, 2016, p. 9). Porén, e como dicía Manuel María: “Se ollamos un mapa da península ibérica podemos comprobar que Galiza forma parte da súa cara atlántica. Galiza é, como se dixésemos, a cabeza de Portugal” (María, 2010, p. 14). O meu argumento chave neste texto é que a lingua e a cultura galegas fan parte do sistema lingüístico e cultural galego-portugués, e desenvolverei esta perspectiva culturalista integracionista a partir de un diálogo crítico e dialéctico coa obra de Fernando Venâncio titulada “Assim nasceu uma língua”.<hr/>Abstract Between the Galician-Portuguese linguistic and cultural continuum there is a lot of institutional noise (Torres Feijó and Samartim, 2018) that needs to be silenced. The noise is understood here as a failure in communication caused by a set of obstacles between Galicia and Portugal, which block the fluidity of the relationship and even prevent it (cf. Quiroga, 2016). Or from a complementary perspective, Galician identity is always called into question in Portugal (García González, 2012; Pazos-Justo, 2016, p. 9). However, as Manuel María said: "If we look at a map of the Iberian Peninsula, we can see that Galicia is part of its Atlantic side. Galicia is, as we say, the head of Portugal" (María, 2010, p. 14). My key argument in this text is that the Galician language and culture are part of the Galician-Portuguese linguistic and cultural system, and I will develop this integrationist culturalist perspective from a critical and dialectical dialogue with Fernando Venâncio's work entitled "Assim nasceu uma língua" . <![CDATA[Humanity and work on board ship: elevating the well-being of seafarers to the level of a fundamental right]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200127&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Résumé Cet article a pour objet l’étude des conditions de vie et de travail à bord des navires. Il montre, malgré l’existence de la convention du travail maritime tendant à mieux encadrer ces conditions, que les marins continuent à souffrir de comportements portant atteinte à leur droit. Face à cette continuité, il est proposé dans une démarche prospective d’élever le bien être au rang de droit fondamental. L’hypothèse de travail est que les droits fondamentaux en raison de leur portée structurante contribuent sur un temps plus ou moins long à humaniser les rapports sociaux. L’élévation du droit au bien être des gens de mer au rang de droit fondamental pourrait ainsi utilement contribuer au caractère progressiste et humaniste de la convention du travail maritime.<hr/>Abstract This article looks at living and working conditions on board ships. It shows that, despite the existence of the Maritime Labour Convention aimed at improving these conditions, seafarers continue to suffer from behaviour that infringes their rights. In the face of this continuity, it is proposed, as part of a forward-looking approach, to elevate well-being to the rank of a fundamental right. The working hypothesis is that fundamental rights, by virtue of their structuring impact, help to humanise social relations over a more or less long period of time. Elevating the right to well-being of seafarers to the rank of fundamental right could thus usefully contribute to the progressive and humanist nature of the Maritime Labour Convention. <![CDATA[Humanity and work on board ship: elevating the well-being of seafarers to the level of a fundamental right]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200127&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Résumé Cet article a pour objet l’étude des conditions de vie et de travail à bord des navires. Il montre, malgré l’existence de la convention du travail maritime tendant à mieux encadrer ces conditions, que les marins continuent à souffrir de comportements portant atteinte à leur droit. Face à cette continuité, il est proposé dans une démarche prospective d’élever le bien être au rang de droit fondamental. L’hypothèse de travail est que les droits fondamentaux en raison de leur portée structurante contribuent sur un temps plus ou moins long à humaniser les rapports sociaux. L’élévation du droit au bien être des gens de mer au rang de droit fondamental pourrait ainsi utilement contribuer au caractère progressiste et humaniste de la convention du travail maritime.<hr/>Abstract This article looks at living and working conditions on board ships. It shows that, despite the existence of the Maritime Labour Convention aimed at improving these conditions, seafarers continue to suffer from behaviour that infringes their rights. In the face of this continuity, it is proposed, as part of a forward-looking approach, to elevate well-being to the rank of a fundamental right. The working hypothesis is that fundamental rights, by virtue of their structuring impact, help to humanise social relations over a more or less long period of time. Elevating the right to well-being of seafarers to the rank of fundamental right could thus usefully contribute to the progressive and humanist nature of the Maritime Labour Convention. <![CDATA[From environmental disaster to the formation of a migratory network: the case of Longarone and Urussanga]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200142&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo O artigo traz a experiência e o relato da pesquisa de campo, que buscou compreender a gênese da constituição de uma rede migratória desde um desastre ambiental ocorrido na Itália, em 1963. Tal configuração forjou conexões entre Longarone no Norte da Itália e Urussanga, no Sul do Brasil, ocasionando consequências que perpassam a busca por laços culturais, resgate familiar e propagação da tradição italiana- aspectos transpostos pela dinâmica econômica engendrada. A metodologia utilizada foi a etnografia multissituada (Marcus, 1995) e observação participante. Almeja-se expor repercussões do estabelecimento de tal rede, que culminam no deslocamento de ítalo-brasileiros para trabalharem em sorveterias na Alemanha, alterando a configuração política, espacial e socioeconômica de sua cidade natal.<hr/>Abstract The article brings experience and report of field research, which sought to understand the genesis of the constitution of a migratory network since an environmental disaster occurred in Italy, 1963. This configuration forged connections between Longarone in Northern Italy and Urussanga, in Southern Brazil, causing consequences that permeate the search for cultural ties, family rescue and propagation of Italian tradition aspects transposed by the economic dynamics engendered. The methodology used was Multi Sited ethnography (Marcus, 1995) and participant observation. The aim is to expose the repercussions of the establishment of such a network, which culminate in the displacement of Italian-Brazilians to work in Germany, changing the political, spatial and socioeconomic configuration of their hometown. <![CDATA[From environmental disaster to the formation of a migratory network: the case of Longarone and Urussanga]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200142&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo O artigo traz a experiência e o relato da pesquisa de campo, que buscou compreender a gênese da constituição de uma rede migratória desde um desastre ambiental ocorrido na Itália, em 1963. Tal configuração forjou conexões entre Longarone no Norte da Itália e Urussanga, no Sul do Brasil, ocasionando consequências que perpassam a busca por laços culturais, resgate familiar e propagação da tradição italiana- aspectos transpostos pela dinâmica econômica engendrada. A metodologia utilizada foi a etnografia multissituada (Marcus, 1995) e observação participante. Almeja-se expor repercussões do estabelecimento de tal rede, que culminam no deslocamento de ítalo-brasileiros para trabalharem em sorveterias na Alemanha, alterando a configuração política, espacial e socioeconômica de sua cidade natal.<hr/>Abstract The article brings experience and report of field research, which sought to understand the genesis of the constitution of a migratory network since an environmental disaster occurred in Italy, 1963. This configuration forged connections between Longarone in Northern Italy and Urussanga, in Southern Brazil, causing consequences that permeate the search for cultural ties, family rescue and propagation of Italian tradition aspects transposed by the economic dynamics engendered. The methodology used was Multi Sited ethnography (Marcus, 1995) and participant observation. The aim is to expose the repercussions of the establishment of such a network, which culminate in the displacement of Italian-Brazilians to work in Germany, changing the political, spatial and socioeconomic configuration of their hometown. <![CDATA[Analysis of Food and Nutrition Security policies in the countries of the Community of Speaking Countries]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200154&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo As Políticas Públicas são essenciais para a garantia dos Direitos Humanos, como o Direito Humano à Alimentação Adequada (DHAA), que se refere a um indivíduo ter acesso a uma alimentação com qualidade, quantidade e segurança para suprir suas necessidades. Para tanto, envolve-se nesse processo a Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN) que diz respeito sobre uma alimentação segura e contínua, que respeita as fases de vida de uma pessoa e que é sustentável e permanente. O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar as principais Políticas Públicas de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional dos países que compõem a Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP). Realizou-se uma pesquisa documental, de caráter exploratório e qualitativo, para a coleta de dados acerca das Políticas Públicas de SAN nos países da CPLP. Os dados foram coletados de arquivos públicos, documentos oficiais, livros, artigos científicos, relatórios e legislações dos países que compõem esta comunidade. Dentre as políticas de SAN encontradas percebe-se que há fragilidades na legitimação do DHAA nesses países e que algumas políticas de fortalecimento e apoio à SAN são defasadas ou incompletas, como no âmbito da aquisição de alimentos, educação alimentar e nutricional e transferência de renda. Sendo assim, esse trabalho evidencia que há necessidade desses Estados-membros da CPLP em aprimorar e elaborar Políticas públicas efetivas e equitativas que garantam o Direito Humano à Alimentação Adequada e Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional para a população.<hr/>Abstract Public Policies are essential for the guarantee of Human Rights, such as the Human Right to Adequate Food (DHAA), which refers to an individual having access to food with quality, quantity and safety to meet their needs. To this end, Food and Nutritional Security (FNS) is involved in this process, which concerns a safe and continuous diet, which respects the stages of a person's life and which is sustainable and permanent. The objective of this article is to present the main Public Policies for Food and Nutrition Security of the countries that make up the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP). An exploratory and qualitative documentary research was carried out to collect data on Public FNS Policies in CPLP countries. Data were collected from public archives, official documents, books, scientific articles, reports and legislation of the countries that make up this community. Among the FNS policies found, it is clear that there are weaknesses in the legitimacy of the DHAA in these countries and that some policies to strengthen and support FNS are outdated or incomplete, such as in the context of food acquisition, food and nutrition education and income transfer. Therefore, this work shows that there is a need for these CPLP Member States to improve and develop effective and equitable public policies that guarantee the Human Right to Adequate Food and Food and Nutrition Security for the population. <![CDATA[Analysis of Food and Nutrition Security policies in the countries of the Community of Speaking Countries]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200154&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumo As Políticas Públicas são essenciais para a garantia dos Direitos Humanos, como o Direito Humano à Alimentação Adequada (DHAA), que se refere a um indivíduo ter acesso a uma alimentação com qualidade, quantidade e segurança para suprir suas necessidades. Para tanto, envolve-se nesse processo a Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN) que diz respeito sobre uma alimentação segura e contínua, que respeita as fases de vida de uma pessoa e que é sustentável e permanente. O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar as principais Políticas Públicas de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional dos países que compõem a Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP). Realizou-se uma pesquisa documental, de caráter exploratório e qualitativo, para a coleta de dados acerca das Políticas Públicas de SAN nos países da CPLP. Os dados foram coletados de arquivos públicos, documentos oficiais, livros, artigos científicos, relatórios e legislações dos países que compõem esta comunidade. Dentre as políticas de SAN encontradas percebe-se que há fragilidades na legitimação do DHAA nesses países e que algumas políticas de fortalecimento e apoio à SAN são defasadas ou incompletas, como no âmbito da aquisição de alimentos, educação alimentar e nutricional e transferência de renda. Sendo assim, esse trabalho evidencia que há necessidade desses Estados-membros da CPLP em aprimorar e elaborar Políticas públicas efetivas e equitativas que garantam o Direito Humano à Alimentação Adequada e Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional para a população.<hr/>Abstract Public Policies are essential for the guarantee of Human Rights, such as the Human Right to Adequate Food (DHAA), which refers to an individual having access to food with quality, quantity and safety to meet their needs. To this end, Food and Nutritional Security (FNS) is involved in this process, which concerns a safe and continuous diet, which respects the stages of a person's life and which is sustainable and permanent. The objective of this article is to present the main Public Policies for Food and Nutrition Security of the countries that make up the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP). An exploratory and qualitative documentary research was carried out to collect data on Public FNS Policies in CPLP countries. Data were collected from public archives, official documents, books, scientific articles, reports and legislation of the countries that make up this community. Among the FNS policies found, it is clear that there are weaknesses in the legitimacy of the DHAA in these countries and that some policies to strengthen and support FNS are outdated or incomplete, such as in the context of food acquisition, food and nutrition education and income transfer. Therefore, this work shows that there is a need for these CPLP Member States to improve and develop effective and equitable public policies that guarantee the Human Right to Adequate Food and Food and Nutrition Security for the population. <![CDATA[El hecho diferencial del periodismo de la Macaronesia insular (Canarias, Madeira, Azores y Cabo Verde) en los sistemas informativos ibéricos]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200172&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumen En los renglones que siguen, nos proponemos poner en valor el hecho diferencial que, dentro de sus correspondientes estados, singulariza y aproxima entre sí al periodismo de los cuatro archipiélagos macaronésicos, Canarias, Madeira Azores y Cabo Verde, éste independizado de Portugal en 1975. En coherencia con las particularidades de sus respectivos sustratos geográficos e históricos, explicaremos cómo los sistemas informativos de tales espacios insulares, si bien comparten con los continentales de España y Portugal el tardío desarrollo empresarial de los periódicos, la escasa profesionalización de los periodistas, los bajos índices de lectura y, en definitiva, las rémoras de los países meridionales europeos como partes de ellos que son, difieren de estos, sin embargo, por una centralidad ideológica que no tiene cabida en el tradicional pluralismo polarizado de la península Ibérica.<hr/>Abstract In the lines that follow, we propose to highlight the differential fact that, within their corresponding states, singles out and brings together the journalism of the four Macaronesian archipelagos, the Canary Islands, Madeira Azores and Cabo Verde, the latter becoming independent from Portugal in 1975. In coherence with the particularities of their respective geographical and historical substrates, we will explain how the information systems of such island spaces, although they share with the continental ones of Spain and Portugal the late business development of newspapers, the poor professionalization of journalists, the low reading indexes and, ultimately, the obstacles of the southern European countries as parts of them that they are, differ from them, however, due to an ideological centrality that has no place in the traditional polarized pluralism of the Iberian Peninsula. <![CDATA[El hecho diferencial del periodismo de la Macaronesia insular (Canarias, Madeira, Azores y Cabo Verde) en los sistemas informativos ibéricos]]> http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2184-52632023000200172&lng=es&nrm=iso&tlng=es Resumen En los renglones que siguen, nos proponemos poner en valor el hecho diferencial que, dentro de sus correspondientes estados, singulariza y aproxima entre sí al periodismo de los cuatro archipiélagos macaronésicos, Canarias, Madeira Azores y Cabo Verde, éste independizado de Portugal en 1975. En coherencia con las particularidades de sus respectivos sustratos geográficos e históricos, explicaremos cómo los sistemas informativos de tales espacios insulares, si bien comparten con los continentales de España y Portugal el tardío desarrollo empresarial de los periódicos, la escasa profesionalización de los periodistas, los bajos índices de lectura y, en definitiva, las rémoras de los países meridionales europeos como partes de ellos que son, difieren de estos, sin embargo, por una centralidad ideológica que no tiene cabida en el tradicional pluralismo polarizado de la península Ibérica.<hr/>Abstract In the lines that follow, we propose to highlight the differential fact that, within their corresponding states, singles out and brings together the journalism of the four Macaronesian archipelagos, the Canary Islands, Madeira Azores and Cabo Verde, the latter becoming independent from Portugal in 1975. In coherence with the particularities of their respective geographical and historical substrates, we will explain how the information systems of such island spaces, although they share with the continental ones of Spain and Portugal the late business development of newspapers, the poor professionalization of journalists, the low reading indexes and, ultimately, the obstacles of the southern European countries as parts of them that they are, differ from them, however, due to an ideological centrality that has no place in the traditional polarized pluralism of the Iberian Peninsula.