1. Introduction

2. Methodology

This exploratory study sought to assess how local media journalists in Portugal and Spain perceive and conduct fact-checking in the context of growing disinformation/ misinformation. To this end, 12 semi-structured interviews were conducted with journalists with and without editorial responsibility in their respective newsrooms (Table 1). These interviews were all conducted online (via Zoom) between November 16, 2021, and March 18, 2022.

Table 1 Data on the journalists interviewed 

Note. M (male) and F (female); *publishes in traditional and online formats

There was an effort to ensure diversity not only of the interviewees’ gender but also of the nature and geographical origin of the outlets for which they worked. While complete achievement was not feasible, this objective was more successfully fulfilled in Portugal than Spain. The interviews, with a script of 22 questions, lasted 24 to 61 minutes. They focused on working conditions, content, sources and routines (including fact-checking), biases, and efforts to fight disinformation/misinformation. For the scope of this article, these interviews were used to: potential shifts in newsroom journalist numbers attributed to the pandemic; document journalists’ perceptions of the evolution of disinformation/misinformation and the fact-checking process; document journalists’ perspectives on any differences in the fact-checking process in traditional and digital media and, if so, the reasoning behind these differences; document journalists’ viewpoints on fact-checking information from official sources, other media, fellow journalists, as well as social media users.

3. Findings and Discussion

The ongoing impact of the pandemic, which has ushered in numerous transformations in the structure of organisations, led us to investigate the developments within the newsrooms of local media outlets in Portugal and Spain. Thus, we noted that the pandemic did not bring changes in most cases; the number of journalists remained unchanged before and during the pandemic. On average, the sampled newsrooms comprised 7.6 journalists in the Portuguese case and 9.5 journalists in the Spanish context. This is one of the most relevant data collected from the interviews and reflects an image of resilience acknowledged in this sector, particularly in Portugal (^{Jerónimo, 2015}). In this country, we find the only exception in the study: a newspaper’s newsroom with an online presence with a staff of 12 journalists before the pandemic experienced a reduction to nine at the pandemic’s onset and further decreased to five afterwards. Nevertheless, the departures were not prompted by redundancies or layoffs but by professional decisions. Among the seven cases, two journalists transitioned to another media outlet, so they remained in the profession, while the rest “realised with the pandemic that they wanted to change their lives” (PT6).

Overall, the blame for disinformation/misinformation is attributed primarily to social media, leading journalists in Portugal to emphasize the need for more fact-checking (Table 2). Furthermore, most respondents recognise the challenge of rapid and extensive publishing as a significant factor contributing to errors.

Table 2 Journalists’ perception of the evolution of fact-checking 

On the other hand, journalists in Spain take verification as part of their daily work. Given the shortage of people, some local media outlets choose to refrain from publishing certain topics, particularly those they consider dubious. In such cases, they focus on developing unique and distinct content. We observed that Spanish local media are more selective to avoid errors. They consider the pressure of immediacy inherent in the digital environment and social media an impediment to thorough verification, thereby enabling the spread of inaccurate or biased information. Most of them also approach information from official sources with scepticism.

The journalists were divided when asked whether the verification was the same for publishing in traditional or online media (Table 3). This is evident among the Portuguese interviewees. While some perceive variations in verification methods, particularly in terms of time invested and quantity of sources used, others contend that there is no difference and advocate for a similar verification approach. In the latter scenario, we can see that the journalists mean rigour - meaning the time and resources invested by journalists should yield equivalent outcomes, regardless of the medium used for delivering the news.

Table 3 Fact-checking for traditional versus digital media 

Regarding the Spanish interviewees, there has been a shift in the dynamics of news production: newsrooms now focus more on the digital environment, aiming to enhance the quality of information. In this sense, it is apparent that journalists are engaging in a learning curve, particularly in their intention to avoid repeating past errors spurred by the pressure of immediacy. In certain instances, it is noticeable that the media outlet’s reputation is given precedence, manifested through a focus on original topics and more in-depth content, rather than solely pursuing breaking news that might lack proper verification.

The emergence of fact-checking projects was partly a response to the recognition that the process of information verification within journalism and newsrooms was not meeting expectations. We asked our interviewees to identify possible reasons for this phenomenon (Table 4).

Table 4 Reasons journalists give for reducing verification efforts 

Among Portuguese journalists, time emerges as the primary critical factor. We also highlight one answer, which identifies two problems: (a) journalist versus content producer, and (b) the new generations of journalists.

I think people perceive journalism as content creators. There’s pressure to incorporate specific keywords in the headlines. I think many view themselves primarily as content creators. I have this discussion a lot here in the newsroom. Sometimes, it’s more about quantity than quality because the way journalism is thought of now, among this generation working with me, which is mostly young, is with this idea. It’s all much more ephemeral, it’s all much more “we have to publish now”, “we have to do it nicely, we don’t have to make nice good”. (PT6)

Some also point to the big platforms and the need to generate volume, in other words, to publish a lot of news (^{Morais & Jerónimo, 2023}).

On the other hand, Spanish journalists do not seem to have different views on immediacy and time pressure. There is apparent consensus that the local media have also entered the race to publish first and fast to get more clicks and generate more website traffic (^{Jenkins & Jerónimo, 2021}; ^{Jerónimo, 2015}). This competition causes tensions within newsrooms, hastens news preparation, and means that some of it is not verified as it should be. There is also the notion that incorrect information published online can be swiftly corrected or that news pieces can be enhanced or supplemented promptly. This dynamic fosters a certain sense of tentativeness in what gets published.

A trust-based relationship between journalists and their sources is essential for exercising their profession. This trust may or may not be decisive in the verification process. Thus, we wanted to investigate whether journalists verify information from official sources (Table 5). In Portugal, as a general rule, journalists typically refrain from doing so. The main reason for this is the trust placed in official sources. However, it is also acknowledged that this is built up over time and that if there is a breach of trust or, on the other hand, the subject matter is sensitive, there will be verification or more verification than usual. In Spain, official sources also enjoy absolute credibility as their information is not verified. The practice of journalists being mere recipients of official releases or notices or publishing politicians’ statements without context or counterpoint (^{Jerónimo, 2015}) has turned some media outlets into vehicles for promoting biases, inaccuracies, or mistakes.

Table 5 Fact-checking information from official sources 

Interacting with sources and validating the information they provide is part of journalists’ daily routines. Nevertheless, there are different types of sources, and the relationship may differ. Having explored how local media professionals in the examined countries manage data from official sources, we sought to gain insight into their approach toward content originating from (a) other media outlets and journalists and (b) users on social networks.

The track record of the media and news authors explains why some of the interviewees in Portugal do not view all sources equally. Some are considered more trustworthy than others. On the other hand, when it comes to news disseminated by other media outlets and/or journalists that might lead to fresh stories or new angles, there will always be verification.

If a media outlet is reliable, it is indeed reliable! But we also have to consider the scale of what is being reported and even the impact it will have. While, on the one hand, in certain situations, it’s enough to quote the media outlet and include a few excerpts, building the news ourselves, on the other hand, if we see that it’s something very impactful, for example, on the public, we can and we should. (PT1)

In Spain, the interviewees mostly reverify, cross-referencing news from other media outlets and/or journalists. They also emphasize that their confidence in externally published information hinges on their understanding of those sources’ professionalism or lack thereof. “We are much more critical of fellow journalists than institutions and administrations due to the drive to excel and do things differently” (ES2). Depending on the credibility and standing of the editor, Spanish local media outlets appear to choose between directly citing or independently sourcing information.

Using content published on social media by users or sharing it on the media outlet’s own profiles or pages is something that has already been studied in local media (^{Amaral et al., 2020}; ^{García-de-Torres et al., 2011}; ^{Said-Hung et al., 2014}). In the current study, focusing on the Portuguese sample, viewpoints are split. While some participants disregard social networks entirely, others do not ignore their content. Furthermore, distinctions in practices between professional and personal usage are evident. In the professional sphere, what other users share on social networks can occasionally serve as a basis for journalistic work within the newsrooms of media outlets where the interviewees are employed. In contrast, in their capacity, the position of journalists is more extreme, as they decide whether or not to publish content created by others.Trust in the source’s credibility plays a pivotal role in these dynamics.

Certain facts unfolding on social media and reported there lead to an “investigation”. Now, transcribing or posting a story you see on a profile of someone you simply don’t know does not happen. Even when we know the person, we pick up the phone or email them so that they can tell us, and not on social network. (PT5)

As for the Spanish sample, the notion of learning from mistakes resurfaced. While in the first phase of using social networks, they were perceived as a rapid means to access sources and street-level events or to gauge public sentiment (^{García-de-Torres et al., 2011}), journalists now realise that these networks can propagate virtually anything, particularly content designed to manipulate or disseminate disinformation/misinformation. Several acknowledge the journalist’s role as a gatekeeper, responsible for sieving through information, in contrast to social media user profiles. “Do we let someone who isn’t a nurse or doctor vaccinate us? The same applies to journalism. Today, everyone is chasing clicks and followers” (ES6). Some highlight, using examples, the potential consequences for the local media’s credibility in the population’s eyes when they opt to include user-generated content without proper verification.

An incident involving an atypical heavy snowfall in a Spanish port town comes to mind. An image was shared through WhatsApp, and while certain media outlets took the time to verify that it was an old photograph, others promptly published it as breaking news. “That really prompted us to take note and be cautious from that moment on about what came through social media” (ES5). The same happened during the pandemic, with images of wild animals supposedly invading some areas of the city which were fake.

The subpar quality of the information that is sometimes published in the regional press, which has been analysed in previous studies (^{Rivas-de-Roca, 2022}), is directly related to the subordination and lack of detachment of certain sources. This problem becomes even more pronounced when it comes to institutional sources. The journalists interviewed do not subject these sources to thorough scrutiny; instead, they rely on the communication strategies outlined by the local and regional authorities’ press offices. The precariousness of the local media and the excessive dependence on official information lead journalists to overlook or inadequately verify information from these organisations. This can result in the dissemination of inaccurate or uninformative content.

Recent research on the performance of local media in Spain and Portugal indicates that journalists recognise the need to refrain from overusing these official sources and engaging in so-called “declarative journalism”. Instead, they prioritise generating original content as a distinguishing factor that shapes the quality of their work and the service they provide to their audience (^{Alcaide-Pulido, 2023}; ^{Rivas-de-Roca, 2022}).

Hence, incorporating verification practices, including official information, should be part of the daily routine for local media journalists, especially considering the high susceptibility to disinformation/misinformation within urban contexts (^{Alcaide-Pulido, 2023}). Nonetheless, many journalists perceive verification as an enduring element of quality journalism (^{Couraceiro et al., 2022}).

4. Conclusion

This study underscores certain factors that impact the operational dynamics of journalists working in local media across Portugal and Spain, ultimately impeding their ability to fact-check the information they receive effectively. Firstly, two external factors impede journalists from effectively conducting verifications: time limitations and a shortage of personnel to perform the task optimally.

Verification is part of their daily work routine for most journalists interviewed, whether in Spain or Portugal. In order to engage in thorough journalism, it is essential to validate the accuracy of all incoming information from various sources, whether official or from community groups and associations. Nevertheless, the time constraint and the urgency brought on by digital editions and click-based priorities, coupled with the aspiration to be the first to publish and garner feedback on social networks, accelerate the publishing process and hinder comprehensive information verification. Time becomes even more scarce when there are not enough people to manage the considerable volume of information that requires publication. The downsizing of these media organisations over the past 15 years has prevented cuts during the pandemic. With the same level of resources in newsrooms but increased public demand for information, crucial steps are overlooked, leading to reduced verification efforts and a decrease in the number of sources used. Effective fact-checking cannot be accomplished without adequate time and personnel.

In addition to external factors, there are internal or subjective factors related to journalists’ own attitudes, which affect how they verify information. Thus, excessive reliance on official sources, sometimes combined with sloth - as Portuguese journalists admit - means that the local media in Portugal and Spain do not check information with official sources. This dynamic suggests that the journalist conveys a single version of the facts as if they were the truth, confident that the institutions are telling them the facts or the gist. The reality is that the media and journalists have made countless mistakes by following the discourse of official sources almost mindlessly. There are also the interests of parties holding government positions or incriminating police reports in which the version of the detainee or accused never surfaces.

Despite the above, the interviews demonstrate, especially in the case of Spain, a willingness on the part of journalists to learn from past mistakes and adapt to the current situation of limited time and resources. To this end, some choose to give up the race for immediacy and invest in slower journalism, which focuses on specific themes and is rigorously prepared. The media outlets featuring this type of journalism thus have a chance of standing out from those that go for the “tyranny of clicks”.

Based on the information, it is possible to conclude that the journalists interviewed strive for an improvement in the quality of their information, as they are aware of their excessive dependence on institutional sources, the existence of prejudices and political interests among the local ruling class and their limited ability to correctly verify disinformation/misinformation content, due to the scarcity of models, the lack of training in technological tools and the immediacy imposed by digital content. Journalists are aware of the problem and how the decline in the quality of information undermines public confidence, and they are the first to take an interest in tackling these problems, learning from their experiences and implementing new approaches in their newsrooms.

Finally, we acknowledge the limitations of this study, which, as stated, is exploratory. The number of interviews may be considered small and based on two countries. However, they allow for the collection of indicators on a little-studied area: disinformation/misinformation on a local scale (^{Jerónimo & Esparza, 2022}) and, above all, fact-checking practices and challenges for journalists working in the local media. Thus, quantitative studies, such as surveys of journalists and media in other countries, could be promoted. The same goes for the prospect of collaboration by the public in the verification process (^{Allen et al., 2021}), but studying this possibility with and around local media.