1. Introduction

The emergence of a so-called clubber¹ culture is linked to the development and distribution of electronic music, which began in the mid-1980s. Genres such as house, techno, and trance, among others, gained popularity through clubs, where individuals gathered around a shared interest: music.

According to ^{Sabóia (2009}), the turning point beyond music occurred in the mid-1980s in Great Britain, where a set of practices linked to the consumption of electronic music began to be adopted within a defined location and at a specific time. DJs also emerged, individuals responsible for organising and selecting the tracks that would be played on a given night, playing a fundamental role in the propagation and dissemination of the culture itself. In addition, behavioural patterns emerged, such as substance use and the dissemination of values, including P.L.U.R. (peace, love, unity, and respect), which reached its peak through the Love Parade in Berlin in the early 1990s and continues today, as exemplified by ^{Lorenz (2014}).

It is difficult to pinpoint exactly where the clubber movement began, given that, with the popularisation of electronic music, behavioural patterns and the development of this culture began to occur independently in various parts of the world. Some of the most prominent locations include Detroit, where the genre now known as techno² emerged in the early 1980s within the African-American community on the outskirts of the city (^{Albiez, 2005}). Another city that stands out is London, following the introduction of acid-house music, which led to the promotion of events associated with the genre. Later, Berlin, Germany, became a hub for techno, where the genre became a symbol of the city's reintegration after the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Seeking a better understanding of what it means to be part of clubber culture today, we can draw on ^{Lima (2013}), who states that clubbers are marked by a great difference between their everyday habits and their habits at clubber events, creating a dual lifestyle. While in everyday life, there is coexistence with the responsibilities and tribulations of routine, during significant events, the concept of "non-time" emerges, in which leisure assumes extreme relevance for maintaining one's identity.

It is a time to simultaneously find pleasure, belonging, ordeal-like risk, dreamlike experiences, sexuality, inner life, and extensiveness... ultimately, the limits that lead back to reality. It is a time shared in places that, due to their functionality, aesthetics aimed at everyone and no one, and visual weight, is similar to Marc Augé's non-places (1998) and the banal emptying of meeting spaces. (^{Melo, 2007}, pp. 31-32)

Thus, this study explores the communicative potential of fashion for clubber culture, analysing fashion manifestations at events in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, and, based on this analysis, understands how different types of consumption permeate the maintenance of social relations within the group.

2. Theoretical Basis/Literature Review

3. Methodological Approaches

3.2. Semi-structured Interviews

^{Boni and Quaresma (2005}) argue that semi-structured interviews are those in which the interviewer follows a script of questions but also allows the interviewee to digress on the topic. Thus, it is a form of data collection that focuses on providing greater direction to the subject without sacrificing subjectivity. A total of six individuals were interviewed (Table 1), three from Rio de Janeiro and three from São Paulo, distributed equally among the following three groups: (a) two clubber event producers; (b) two fashion entrepreneurs from brands associated with clubber culture; and (c) one iconic figure from the clubber scene in Rio de Janeiro and one from São Paulo.

Table 1 Characteristics of respondents in semi-structured interviews 

4. Findings and Discussion

The three proposed collection methods provided an overview of the problem. Some of the main insights and the data that corroborate them are presented here. For identity preservation purposes, Table 2 summarises some data and acronyms about the participants in the participant observation.

Table 2 Characteristics of the informants from the participant observations 

The participant observations were conducted at the ODD, Sangramuta, and Blum events in São Paulo, as well as at the Festa até as 4 and Kode events in Rio de Janeiro. In the participant observations in São Paulo, a conversation with two local DJs revealed the reasons that drive the city's greater relevance in maintaining clubber culture. Informant 1 raised the point of the lack of interest that passers-by show towards each other in the city, saying that she does not experience judgmental looks when she goes “montada”⁵ (all dressed up) to events, which allows her to do so more comfortably. Complementing this, Informant 2 points out that São Paulo is a hub of culture, fashion, and aesthetics and that there may also be a greater concern with looks and aesthetics in the state capital. She said that she feels a great sense of freedom to dress and behave the way she wants without being judged for it.

In another conversation during the observation with Informant 3, we discussed the "look constructions"⁶ and their reasons. In their view, the city of São Paulo is a big city that demands a lot all the time. So, clubber events are a way for these people to express their personalities and tastes without being judged.

We can analyse this reflection from the perspective of the "VUCA" world, a term coined in 1987 by Warren Bennis and Burt Nanus. The "VUCA" world is characterised by volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity, which represent the current configuration of society in which we live and have serious impacts on the mental health of individuals (^{Luthans & Broad, 2022}). The "look construction" becomes a means of escape, allowing individuals to experience life through a new persona, one that is separate from and unaffected by the responsibilities of the VUCA world.

Furthermore, in a conversation with Informant 4 during the Blum event, it was mentioned that in techno parties, people do not need to spend a lot to dress well and that he feels there is greater use of creativity and freedom of expression compared to more heteronormative parties and events, which place greater value on brands. At techno events, it's much more about the aesthetic adopted than the products themselves.

Regarding the aesthetics observed at the events, some notable elements worth mentioning include the trends of the 2000s, such as low-rise trousers, belly button piercings, tank tops, strappy tops, and cropped tops. These items were observed in men, showing a strong genderfuck trend⁷. There were also football shirts, black leather clothes, fetish clothing, trousers and T-shirts, as well as more neutral outfits. Men wore only underwear, face masks, chains, and various metals, along with short skirts and trousers layered over each other, collars, and other elements.

At the events observed in Rio de Janeiro, the number of people dressed up was significantly lower. As for women's clothing, many wore looser, wider and lighter clothes, unlike in São Paulo. Many men wore caps and simpler silhouettes. People wearing glitter and sequins, as well as crochet tops and animal prints, were also observed. At the Festa até as 4 events, in a conversation with Informant 5, he agreed that in São Paulo, there is a distinct energy, and the city's vibe is completely different, which also influences the way people dress.

In São Paulo, at ODD, there were many more dark, grotesque, surreal and disruptive elements, with a greater departure from the type of clothing worn at mainstream parties. In addition, São Paulo is influenced by the emo and punk movements, characterised by heavy makeup, multiple layers of black clothing, and distinctive haircuts. At parties in Rio de Janeiro, there was a much greater tendency towards genderfuck, largely motivated by the presence of men wearing so-called feminine items, such as low-cut and cut-out clothes, printed second skins, cropped tops, baguette bags, panties with straps showing and platform boots.

For the semi-structured interviews, a total of six respondents were interviewed, comprising three from Rio and three from São Paulo, in various roles.

In one of the responses provided, an example of the concept brought up by ^{Lima (2013}) was mentioned, highlighting that a dual lifestyle characterises clubbers.

Most clubber moment? Man, I think the most clubber moments for me are after-parties⁸. When everyone goes out, all dressed up, with their clothes, makeup, and stuff. And we stop by a bakery to buy something to eat, something like that. Everyone looks at us. ( ... ) When you go out into the real world, it seems to stand out in a very different way. Especially when everyone is all dressed up. (In-depth interview 1, FERJ)

The account given by the Rio fashion entrepreneur uses the term "real world" to refer to the environment outside clubber events, contrasting it with the feeling of detachment from reality provided by the clubber scene, where individuals are removed from their daily struggles and are free to explore another way of existing and behaving (^{Melo, 2007}).

In another response, the iconic Rio figure (IFRJ) said that their most "clubber" moment was "dancing naked on top of the sound system at Gop Tun⁹ during Carnival, wearing only a fanny pack". This experience also exemplifies what ^{Arvidsson (2007}) has said, classifying the productions and behaviours resulting from an underground¹⁰ culture as rebellious. "Transgression" was also mentioned, as explained below: "the most clubber moment has to do with transgression. It has to be a non-judgmental space where people can let loose, that's it" (In-depth interview 5, IFRJ).

One can also observe the relationship between community formation, diversity, belonging and inclusion within the clubber scene in Rio and São Paulo. Based on the question "what do you like most about the dancers at your event?" asked of the Rio event producer, it is possible to reflect on the change in relation to diversity that has occurred over the last few years.

Definitely, diversity. It is about seeing a crowd, like discovering oneself and finding a place where one belongs. It happens a lot with people who are coming to terms with their own gender identity and sexuality. They attend the event and talk to me: "wow, I felt welcome here; I felt that there really are people like me". I think that's the goal. That's how it was; it became the goal of it all, you know? (In-depth interview 4, EPRJ)

The scene in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo brings peripheral groups into the organisation and production of events within it. In this way, the formation of a community within the clubber scene is strengthened, given that there is a coming together not only due to similar tastes, as postulated by ^{Huq (2006}) but also due to the union of the socially marginalised group finding a support network to combat oppression in their dissident experiences of socially imposed norms. It can, therefore, be said that there is a mixture between what was observed in the second half of the 20th century, as postulated by ^{Guerra and Figueredo (2020}), where there was a sense of belonging associated with different classes and races, among other factors independent of psychographic issues, and what was postulated by ^{Maffesoli (1988/2000}), that common tastes group urban neo-tribes. In the clubber scene, the two theories converge, creating a hybrid sense of belonging that is based on multiple factors.

Next, the concept of group belonging is explored through the question: "do you view the clubber scene as a community?". The answers below illustrate the perception of the IFRJ and IFSP interviewees on the subject.

Yes, the clubber scene is like a family, like we help each other. If there's a party, it'll call people they know. We always help those in need. If I'm throwing a party and I know someone who needs work, we'll call that person. We always help each other. This goes for everything: DJs, bouncers, everything. (In-depth interview 6, IFSP)

Today, I have a network of people that I know that if I need a job, I'll get help, and my friends will help me. ( ... ) I think there's such good care. Being in contact with the public during the party, I realised that I needed to be well to take care of others. There's this thing of collective care; I feel like it's really strong among us. I've never witnessed any extremely unpleasant situations. (In-depth interview 5, IFRJ)

Given that there is a community within the clubber scene, we can analyse how fashion plays a role in maintaining ties within this community. There is a strong association between creative freedom and the clubber community, as well as an understanding that this space is ideal for experimenting with new aesthetics and pushing boundaries. Thus, we seek to understand the inspirations and references behind these looks, as dressing is crucial for the maintenance of this group and is loaded with freedom and experimentation. The statements below illustrate this argument.

I think (the clubber scene) is a space where people experiment a lot with their looks; you know, they're not ashamed to show their bodies, even if they don't fit the standard. So, I see it as a very free space where people feel comfortable. ( ... ) Like, it's a way, I don't know, to experiment, sometimes even to try out this look here that has nothing to do with anything or "oh, I want to be naked" or "oh, I want to wear this costume", I want to. I think people feel comfortable doing that. (In-depth interview 4, PERJ)

Once, I was working at the candy stand at a party. And then, someone walked by wearing an outfit that looked like a cupcake. Very colourful, cute, you know? With frills and all. Very exaggerated but very beautiful. Then the guy at the party looked and said, "Oh, what's that for?" You know? So I looked at him. Then I said, "Why? What bothers you?" "No, it doesn't bother me. I just wonder what's that for". So I looked at him. Then I said, "Can you imagine if this person showed up at work looking like that?" Then he said, "no way, whatever". I said, "Imagine if this person showed up looking like this, I don't know, at a wedding, at a family gathering?" "Oh, no way". "So, do you know why this person is dressed like this? Because this is where she can be dressed like this. So, like, that's what that is for. It's so she can wear this look that she couldn't wear anywhere else. Here, she will be embraced and adored. "She looks beautiful; she looks like a cupcake!". Then he laughed and said, "You're right.". (In-depth interview 1, FERJ)

The market undeniably exploits all this creative potential. It is well known that the capitalist system incorporates underground aesthetics (^{Hebdige, 1979/2018}), but how does this system then maintain its differentiation after the massification of its symbols?

Fashion, for me, is much more about our daily lives, living the night, living the street; that's what fashion is for me. I think that's my reality of fashion, but I have many references; I always look at those canons out there. It's definitely art; it's still an inspiration, but it doesn't fit my reality. My reference is my own community. (In-depth interview 5, IFRJ)

I think I influence my little bubble. I think there is an influence. Several people I know have come up to me and said that because of my brand or because of the things I do, they started dressing differently. Or they want to produce and stuff. Friends of mine who worked in other types of art are saying they want to put things on clothes. I say, "like, go for it, you know?". (In-depth interview 1, EMRJ)

It is understood, then, that there is feedback within the scene, where, based on this incorporation, there needs to be creative power to reinvent its signs and symbols, aiming to keep the community structured around relatable elements. This logic aligns with ^{Hebdige's (1979/2018}) proposal regarding the cyclical nature of the underground, where constant reinvention is a necessary condition for its existence.

If this reinvention exists, what are the signs and symbols of fashion within the clubber community? It is interesting to note that, when describing what a "clubber look" would be like, the term "Berlin" was used by two respondents. The idea portrays the use of black, chains, fetishist elements, and leather, among other aesthetics commonly associated with the clubber scene in the city of Berlin, which is very focused on techno (^{Braga, 2018}). There was no consensus regarding the clubber look, or they even said that it is a discussion that should not be held since, for these people, being a clubber is about freedom, experimentation and reinvention, and not about an identifiable aesthetic. Finally, it is worth mentioning a statement by IFRJ, which sheds light on the reasons behind their way of dressing, as this practice is a connection to the clubber community.

Wearing less clothes says a lot; it is direct, objective, subjective communication; it is expression; it is being able to say something just by being there. It is very connected to communication, to what I want to express. ( ... ) I think it is an idea of collective communication with the community. I think that's how it is, you just dedicate yourself to what you like, if you meet a clubber from another part of the world, you will understand that person, it's not something that I think I am and others are not, it's a collective thing, you just have to participate in that culture. Then you can call yourself a clubber. It's a culture that has already emerged in a global world. It's not a specific group; it's a global community. (In-depth interview 5, IFRJ)

As already postulated by ^{Barthes (1967/1979}), fashion is a communicative element, and this interviewer's statement highlights this point when he says that his clothes, and often their choice to show more skin, communicate with his own group. It is interesting to revisit what ^{Marques and Rosa (2016}) stated, arguing that within the context of groups, the products consumed serve as a means of contact between consumers, possessing a unifying power. This perspective also encompasses understanding consumption as a combination of use and enjoyment (^{Berlim, 2016}).

For the survey, the actual number of respondents was 274, of which 267 were qualified respondents. Of these, 159 are from the city of Rio de Janeiro and 108 from the city of São Paulo.

In comparative analyses, a 5% difference is considered the minimum for significance in this study. Here, only data relevant to the comparison between the two markets analysed will be presented (Figure 1).

Figure 1 Degree of agreement with the statement "I feel that the way I dress connects me to the clubber community" 

This question highlights the significance of clothing and clothing choices within the clubber scene. Nearly 60% of respondents agreed with the statement, indicating that this sentiment is shared by the majority. According to ^{Simmel (2008}, as cited in ^{Santos, 2019}), there is a paradox between belonging and differentiation: when trying to stand out from social norms, individuals end up approaching others with whom they share this desire, forming groups such as urban neo-tribes — like the clubber tribe, where belonging is sought precisely through difference. However, by acquiring the subcultural capital characteristic of the group, this initial difference tends to dilute, becoming part of a common pattern among members who share the same spaces and habits (^{Thornton, 1995}).

Seeking to understand how the community itself perceives the looks presented at clubber events, the statement "at clubber events, I notice the clothes other people are wearing" indicates that the majority of respondents agree with the statement (Figure 2 and Figure 3).

Figure 2 Level of agreement, Rio de Janeiro, with the statement "at clubber events, I notice the clothes other people are wearing" 

Figure 3 Level of agreement, São Paulo, with the statement "at clubber events, I notice the clothes other people are wearing" 

This data demonstrates once again the importance of look in the construction of clubber aesthetics and identity, as well as the importance given to a wellconstructed look within these events. In this question, it is also worth analysing the difference in responses between Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. There is a significant difference in the percentage of agreement with the proposed statement. While in Rio de Janeiro, there is a 63% agreement, in São Paulo, this agreement is even higher, reaching 76%. The São Paulo character of valuing clubber aesthetics and culture becomes clearer from this response, given that the São Paulo scene itself is more interested in observing what is being proposed aesthetically by clubbers who attend these events. This difference can be explained by numerous factors, including the cosmopolitan nature of the city, where, as suggested by Informant 1 during the participant observation report at the ODD event in São Paulo, it is a place that encompasses a variety of urban neo-tribes, the most disruptive aesthetics end up going unnoticed by the general public. This is also reinforced by EPRJ's statement about the distinction between Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo in terms of looks.

It is different. São Paulo has a nightlife culture that is much stronger than Rio. Yes, even because of the city's geography. Rio is a very daytime city, so perhaps in São Paulo, it's about being a big metropolis, the main metropolis in the country. So, maybe this fashion thing and everything is more present, stronger, in São Paulo. (In-depth interview 4, EPRJ)

Thus, it is worth analysing how individuals identify each other as clubbers and how the sense of belonging is stimulated within the community. To this end, it is worth examining the degree of agreement with the statement: "just by glancing at someone's look, I can tell whether or not they usually go to clubber events" (Figure 4).

Figure 4 Degree of agreement with the statement "just by glancing at someone's look, I can tell whether or not they usually go to clubber events" 

The question deals with the visual identification of the clubber aesthetic, that is, how a person's appearance can convey whether or not they possess a specific subcultural capital (^{Thornton, 1995}) to validate their presence in that particular space: 62.9% of respondents believe that there is a way to identify, through observation of clothing choices, whether or not an individual belongs to that subtribe. This result justifies various behaviours adopted within the environment, such as the adoption of door policies through bouncers¹¹.

The statement "at the events I attend, I feel completely free to be who I really am, wearing whatever I want" was one of the statements with the highest percentage of agreement, with 85.4% of respondents agreeing to some degree (Figure 5 and Figure 6). Regarding the difference between cities, while 11% of respondents in Rio de Janeiro disagreed with the statement, only 3% in São Paulo disagreed. The same trend is observed in the degree of agreement, which increases from 82% in Rio de Janeiro to 90% in São Paulo.

Figure 5 Degree of agreement, Rio de Janeiro, with the statement "at the events I attend, I feel completely free to be who I really am, wearing whatever I want" 

Figure 6 Degree of agreement, São Paulo, with the statement "at the events I attend, I feel completely free to be who I really am, wearing whatever I want" 

The results indicate greater freedom and comfort in attending clubber events in São Paulo, a characteristic related to the size of the clubber scene in the city and the factor of 'invisibility' within the metropolis, as pointed out by Informant 1. These can be speculated to be the main reasons for the feeling of well-being that is more prevalent in the state capital.

The results regarding the statement, "at clubber events, I feel like I am a different person compared to who I am in my daily life" (Figure 7) are in line with what was postulated by ^{Lima (2013}), who identified a duality in the clubber experience, where everyday habits are far removed from those at a clubber event, characterising a contradictory lifestyle that can be expressed by various antagonisms such as day/night, moral/immoral, right/wrong, among others. It is observed that 44.5% of respondents agree to some extent with the statement. In comparison, 35.2% disagree to some extent, indicating a certain degree of confirmation of what is described in the literature. However, the issue becomes interesting when we observe the differences between Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo (Figure 8 and Figure 9).

Figure 7 Degree of agreement with the statement "at clubber events, I feel like I am a different person compared to who I am in my daily life" 

Figure 8 Degree of agreement, Rio de Janeiro, with the statement "at clubber events, I feel like I am a different person compared to who I am in my daily life" 

Figure 9 Degree of agreement, São Paulo, with the statement "at clubber events, I feel like I am a different person compared to who I am in my daily life" 

In Rio de Janeiro, the degree of disagreement was 40%, whereas in São Paulo, it was 27%. São Paulo is confirmed by the survey as a city that aligns closely with current observations in the literature on clubber lifestyle habits, making it a promising city for the development and maintenance of this urban culture in a globalised world.

5. Final Considerations

Clubber culture is diverse and complex and expresses itself through signs that are difficult to interpret. It is also changeable and subject to constant experimentation and innovation. Like all avant-garde movements, the clubber movement unfolds far from the eyes of most society and invites only those who possess specific subcultural capital to understand its meaning, values, and manifestations of its experience (^{Thornton, 1995}). Fashion, as a group bonding factor, is relevant due to its high communicative potential (^{Barthes, 1967/1979}). It can generate interest, belonging, acceptance, and well-being within an urban core in a volatile, unstable, complex, and ambiguous world (^{Luthans & Broad, 2022}). Based on the principle that looks and outfits are part of clubber culture, there is a mutual observation that can be perceived in two ways: on the one hand, a careful and protective gaze from the community itself, and on the other, a judgemental and analytical gaze towards the individual artistic veins of its frequenters, seeking elements that generate identification and belonging. Therefore, fashion plays a significant role in acting as a unifying tool for the community, which is relevant to understanding belonging and community.

The events analysed behave in accordance with clubber events around the world. they show a high degree of association with clubber culture, a phenomenon defined by ^{Maffesoli (1988/2000}) as neo-tribalism. It is essential to acknowledge the significant diversity in the expression of clubber culture globally. However, some commonalities are observed in the communities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. The diversity of attendees, their behaviours and psychographic characteristics, widespread acceptance of individual freedom, and an appreciation of individual artistic expression are some of them. Another point of convergence is the spacetime of clubber events, which prove to be unique moments where care, freedom, acceptance, experimentation and new experiences, both individual and collective, are present. This non-place or non-time, associated with the logic of escapism, is glimpsed throughout the work and is one of the key points of this culture, in line with ^{Melo's (2007}) proposal.

The clubber aesthetic is, above all, changeable. Experimentation and breaking paradigms are part of the clubber experience, where the eyes consume as much as the ears during events, generating immersive experiences and atmospheres that cannot be reproduced in other conditions, which produces a feeling of detachment from reality. It is, therefore, difficult to outline a standard aesthetic for the clubber community: it is defined by reinvention. We can, however, outline some strong elements, such as the use of black clothing, chains, and fetishist elements, among others. These aesthetic choices are those that most closely resemble the view of the clubber by those outside the neo-tribe, being a commercialised view of what the community is.

It is up to the movement, then, to reinvent itself in order to maintain the group's unique identity. This reinvention is, in most cases, based on the movement itself, as pointed out by IFRJ, and it is not possible to outline aesthetics that are prominent for all clubbers due to their ephemeral nature. Although changeable, the co-opting of the underground by capitalist logic shapes the community's view of itself. Thus, there is a direct association with elements such as dark colours, silver chains, fetishist elements, exposure of body parts, nudity and heavy makeup with alternative hairstyles. This association stems from numerous previous movements, such as punk and hippie, as well as the generation that demonstrated to the mainstream¹² the existence of counterculture and alternative ways of life.