<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>2183-3575</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Comunicação e Sociedade]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Comunicação e Sociedade]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>2183-3575</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Centro de Estudos de Comunicação e Sociedade - Universidade do Minho]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S2183-35752022000100149</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.17231/comsoc.41(2022).3704</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="pt"><![CDATA[Processos de Marginalização Étnica e Cultural na África Pós-Colonial. O Caso dos Amakhuwa de Moçambique]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Processes of Ethnic and Cultural Marginalisation in Post-Colonial Africa.The Case of the Amakhuwa of Mozambique]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Bussotti]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Luca]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aaf"/>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Nhaueleque]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Laura António]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidade Federal de Pernambuco Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia e Centro de Estudos Avançados ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[Recife ]]></addr-line>
<country>Brasil</country>
</aff>
<aff id="Af2">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidade Técnica de Moçambique  ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Moçambique</country>
</aff>
<aff id="Af3">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidade Aberta de Lisboa Centro de Estudos das Migrações e das Relações Interculturais ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[Lisboa ]]></addr-line>
<country>Portugal</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>30</day>
<month>06</month>
<year>2022</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>30</day>
<month>06</month>
<year>2022</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>41</volume>
<fpage>149</fpage>
<lpage>167</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S2183-35752022000100149&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S2183-35752022000100149&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S2183-35752022000100149&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="pt"><p><![CDATA[Resumo: Apesar de a questão étnica nunca ter constituído um elemento explícito na construção do Estado moçambicano, esta sempre caracterizou a vida pública do país, com tensões relevantes, mas geralmente negligenciadas. Durante a luta de libertação, dois grupos étnicos aliaram-se, os &#8220;intelectuais&#8221; ronga e os &#8220;guerrilheiros&#8221; maconde, de facto excluindo os outros povos de Moçambique deste processo que irá marcar indelevelmente a história do país pós-colonial. Na época socialista, o lema &#8220;matar a tribo para fazer a nação&#8221; continuou a procrastinar o &#8220;esquecimento étnico&#8221;, prefigurando uma tentativa, malsucedida, de impor o modelo socialista autoritário formulado pelos ronga e machangana a todo o resto do país. A mesma situação se deu com a viragem democrática da década de 1990. Neste caso, diante de um pluralismo formal, os elementos de poder, assim como culturais e artísticos privilegiados foram, mais uma vez, os produzidos no sul (timbila e marrabenta) e no norte, pelos maconde (mapiko e esculturas), em detrimento de outros povos, entre os quais os amakhuwa, o grupo numericamente maioritário em Moçambique. Para este processo de marginalização étnica contribuíram doadores e investigadores internacionais, que aceitaram e desenvolveram a pauta proposta pela Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, interpretando práticas tradicionais como os ritos de iniciação sob o ponto de vista da violação dos direitos humanos. A pesquisa aqui apresentada traz evidências de como este longo processo de esquecimento étnico foi, em boa verdade, um programa político pensado e implementado desde a luta de libertação e que continuou, com as necessárias adaptações, até hoje, influindo diretamente na difusão da produção cultural e artística local. A abordagem usada foi de tipo histórico, com contínuos cruzamentos com a análise política e as políticas culturais de Moçambique.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract: Although the ethnic question has never been an explicit element in the construction of the Mozambican State, it has always characterised the country&#8217;s public life with relevant but generally disregarded tensions. During the liberation struggle, two ethnic groups allied, the &#8220;intellectuals&#8221; Ronga and the Makonde &#8220;guerrillas&#8221;, excluding the other peoples of Mozambique from this process that would indelibly mark the history of the post-colonial country. In the socialist era, the motto &#8220;kill the tribe to make the nation&#8221; continued to procrastinate &#8220;ethnic disregard&#8221;, prefiguring an unsuccessful attempt to impose the authoritarian socialist model formulated by the Ronga and Machangana onto the rest of the country. The same situation occurred with the democratic turn of the 1990s. Faced with formal pluralism, the elements of power, as well as prioritised cultural and artistic elements, were, once again, those produced in the south (timbila and marrabenta) and in the north, by the Makonde (mapiko and sculptures), to the detriment of other peoples, including the Amakhuwa, the most populous group in Mozambique. International donors and researchers contributed to this process of ethnic marginalisation by accepting and developing the agenda proposed by the Liberation Front of Mozambique, interpreting traditional practices, such as initiation rites, as violations of human rights. The research presented here explains how this long process of ethnic disregard was, in fact, a political program designed and implemented from the beginning of the liberation struggle and continued, with adaptations, until today, directly influencing the diffusion of local cultural and artistic production. The approach used is historical in nature, intermixed with analyses of Mozambique&#8217;s political and cultural policies.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[esquecimento étnico]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[identidade nacional]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[marginalização]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[produção artística]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[ethnic disregard]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[national identity]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[marginalisation]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[artistic production]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
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