<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>2795-4757</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Political Observer]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Political Observer]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>2795-4757</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[OBSERVATÓRIO POLÍTICO ]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S2795-47572024000200101</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.59071/2795-4765.rpcp2024.22/pp.101-116</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[&#8220;Empowered Women Without Power&#8221; in Mozambique: How a Relatively High Percentage of Women in Parliament Does not Mean More Women-friendly Policies]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="pt"><![CDATA[&#8220;Mulheres Empoderadas Sem Poder&#8221; em Moçambique: Como uma Percentagem Relativamente Elevada de Mulheres no Parlamento não Significa Políticas Mais Favoráveis às Mulheres]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Sambo]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Dulcido Da Beatriz Bento]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Ankara University Graduate School of Social Sciences ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Turkey</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2024</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2024</year>
</pub-date>
<numero>22</numero>
<fpage>101</fpage>
<lpage>116</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S2795-47572024000200101&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S2795-47572024000200101&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://scielo.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S2795-47572024000200101&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract Although in the twentieth-century women gained more rights, we still far from reaching an egalitarian world where humans are treated equally and have the same opportunities, regardless of their gender. Many African countries have high rates of women in parliament, despite low socio-economic development and deep-rooted patriarchal structures. Based on the case of Mozambique, in this article, we question: does increased female representation in parliament mean more women-friendly policies? Claiming that, where there are no feminist parties, higher rates of women in parliament is due to gender quotas, therefore it will not mean more women-friendly policies. Employing a qualitative methodology consisting of literature review and empirical observation, we confirmed that although women have a considerable high presence in the parliament, they are in a relatively low numerical expression in the main decision-making circles inside the parliament. Similarly, female MPs behave in individualistic behaviour to increase their prospect re-election.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="pt"><p><![CDATA[Resumo Embora no século xx as mulheres tenham conquistado mais direitos, ainda estamos longe de alcançar um mundo igualitário onde os seres humanos sejam tratados de forma igual e tenham as mesmas oportunidades, independentemente do seu género. Muitos países africanos têm taxas elevadas de mulheres no parlamento, apesar do baixo desenvolvimento socioeconómico e das estruturas patriarcais profundamente enraizadas. Com base no caso de Moçambique, neste artigo, questionamos: será que o aumento da representação feminina no parlamento significa políticas mais favoráveis às mulheres? Afirmando que, onde não existem partidos feministas, o aumento da taxa de mulheres no parlamento deve-se às quotas de género, logo não significará políticas mais amigas das mulheres. Recorrendo a uma metodologia qualitativa que consiste na revisão da literatura e na observação empírica, confirmámos que, embora as mulheres tenham uma presença elevada e considerável no parlamento, têm uma expressão numérica relativamente baixa nos principais círculos de decisão dentro do parlamento. Do mesmo modo, as deputadas adotam um comportamento individualista para aumentar as suas perspetivas de reeleição.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[empowerment]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[gender]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[gender-quotas]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[parliament]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Mozambique.]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[empoderamento]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[género]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[quotas de género]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[parlamento]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[Moçambique.]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
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